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Modernity and the Long Peace: Has the World Seen a Decline in War?

April 2, 2021 by Gideon Jones

By Gideon Jones

Pieter Bruegel the Elder, ‘The Triumph of Death’ (c. 1562)

Has the world become more peaceful?

One would think that such a question would be easily answered. On an intuitive level, many people in the West would feel that this is the case: to them, war is something that exists in far distant places and is seen only on high-resolution screens. It’s absence has become so pronounced that some have claimed we are living in a Long Peace, the period from the end of the Second World War until today that has seen a fall in the frequency of major wars, and has led to a period of unparalleled human prosperity. However, this answer, and the preceding question is seductively simple, and when investigated, a far more complicated image begins to emerge.

The argument that the world has become more peaceful (and less violent in general) was perhaps most famously made by Steven Pinker. Pinker’s 2011 book, The Better Angels of Our Nature, made a celebratory case about modernity, that in spite of the horrors of the 20th Century, war and violence in human society have been on a decline that has been ongoing over centuries. And there is plenty of data to back up this claim. Just a cursory glance at ‘The Visual History of Decreasing War and Violence’ highlights reductions in our rates of violent death, whether related to murder or the lethality of war. For example Western Europe was thought to have a violent death rate at around 2% of the entire population in the 17th Century, whilst between 1900-1960, the violent death rate in Europe and North America lay at 1%.It is not without cause that Pinker feels confident in proclaiming that ‘we may be living in one of the most peaceful eras in our species’ existence’.

The reasons for this apparent decline are manifold, but Pinker’s central claim is that humanity has gradually been able to gain greater control over our inner demons. The classic view of human nature is that Humanity has and always will be prone to violence, and that since war is an expression of that violent tendency, it is here to stay. He claims human nature itself, while containing the potential for violence and cruelty, isn’t static, but is itself influenced by the environment, and that the systems and institutions of modernity (be it participative democracy or free market capitalism) promote less violent and more cooperative behaviour. When humanity developed means to trade peacefully with one another and developed ways of managing relations without recourse to war, more cooperative behaviours were selected for, as opposed to violent ones. Furthermore, Pinker claims that it’s our reason that lies at the basis of much of this change, and that ‘just as our species has applied its cognitive powers to ward off the scourges of pestilence and famine, so it can apply them to manage the scourge of war’. Though war and our impulses to wage it may never be eradicated, there may be reason to believe that we may be slowly turning a new leaf.

This decline of war thesis is a celebration of modernity. Though we are frequently inundated with the problems of the world in our news media, those proposing this thesis reassure us, showing us that we have in fact progressed, and we have modernity to thank.

However, while the narrative of the decline in war and violence is as attractive as it is persuasive, it only represents half of the argument. Others have argued that such progress is an illusion, and that the idea that we have morally advanced is little more than wishful thinking.

Bear F. Braumoeller, a statistician and political scientist, argues that the idea that the data shows a decline in violence is questionable at best. In his book, Only the Dead, Braumoeller firstly disagrees with the thesis that war between states has become less frequent. He argues that when one looks rate of conflict initiation in the Cold War- during the so called Long Peace- we see ‘one of the most warlike periods of the last 200 years outside the two world wars’. Though a ‘hot’ war between the USA and the USSR thankfully never broke out, that did not mean that violent conflicts were not fought elsewhere.

What about the claim that war has become less deadly? Once again, it depends on how the data is interpreted. Though there is an observable decline in the death rate per 100,000, this may as much be a product of the fact that our societies are larger. The anthropologists Dean Falk and Charles Hildebolt argued in a paper that though a higher ratio of any given society will tend to die in conflict the smaller the society is, ‘the actual number of war deaths increases with growing population sizes’. If human societies had gotten more peaceful as time had gone on, this relationship should not exist.

This is only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to criticising the statistical basis of the Long Peace thesis. To Nassim Taleb and Pasquale Cirillo, the greatest weakness of the decline of war theory not just a chronic underestimation of deaths from violent conflict, but also looking at the mean whilst ignoring low probability, high impact events like a world war.

When this is taken into mind, the peace that the world has experienced from the end of the Second World War (between the great powers at least) begins to look very different. Though there have been times and places in history where peace did for the most part exist- be it Augustus’ Pax Romana or the Congress System in Europe where major conflicts were prevented and relations were managed- they inevitably ended in major conflict. The difference between then and now is of course our technology, with 14,000 nuclear weapons existing today, which are more powerful than the ones which existed in the Cold War. The point here is to suggest that an armed conflict between the world’s major powers, whilst unlikely, is by no means impossible, and such a war would undoubtedly be one of extreme death and violence. To quote Taleb and Cirillo, it is nonsensical ‘to say that violence has dropped but maybe not the risk of tail events’- in that case, the Long Peace is not evidence of humanity’s newfound pacifism, but is instead merely an interlude between one great conflict and the next.

So why does this debate matter?

On New Year’s Eve 2019, it looked as if 2020 was going to be the same as any other year. Yet it wasn’t. Instead, the world faced a global pandemic- a supposedly low probability, yet high impact event. And we were not ready for it.

Whether one agrees with the idea that war is declining is one thing, but it should not be a cause for complacency and self-congratulation. If peace is to remain, there must be an understanding of its fragility. We should not let grand narratives of our moral progress lull us into a false sense of security; by ignoring the violence of today we open the doors to the violence of tomorrow.

 

Gideon Jones is a MA student in Terrorism, Security & Society at the War Studies Department, King’s College London, and completed his BA in History at the University of Warwick. Coming from Northern Ireland, he has been brought up in a country scarred by the issues of terrorism, conflict, sectarianism, and extremist ideology. Through this experience, he has been given valuable insight into how the legacies of such problems can continue to divide a society decades after the fighting has stopped, and how the issues left unresolved can threaten to upend a fragile peace. Gideon is a Staff Writer at Strife.

Filed Under: Feature Tagged With: applied history, foresight, peace, prediction, theory

Want to tackle disinformation? Stop using the same tactics.

March 2, 2021 by Sophia Rigby

By Sophia Rigby

General Sir Mark Carleton-Smith presents on how the British Army is adopting to new warfighting domains, including information operations (MOD, 2020)

Disinformation is nothing new. It seems to be a commonly held belief that disinformation is a new style of warfare and interference, put to perfect use in the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis, the 2016 US election, and the 2016 Brexit referendum. But disinformation has been around for centuries to spread malicious rumours and to discredit rivals; what is new is the manner of spreading disinformation and how quickly it can spread.

The advent of social media and technological advances have meant that we have a mass of information at our fingertips and expect to be able to find a concise answer to complex problems in seconds. Or 0.37 seconds, which is how long it took Google to find me results relating to the Internal Market Bill. However, unlike the encyclopaedias of old, few of these results will come with verifiable and reliable evidence attached. Anyone can post on a blog or Wikipedia and almost anyone can doctor a photograph or a video (to varying degrees of success),yet we have very little in the public sphere, especially education, about evaluating sources of information and treating news critically.

The 2015 National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review[1] failed to recognise disinformation as a significant threat to national security under its cyber section. But the recently published Russia Report[2] in the UK found that Russian disinformation was fomenting political extremism around Brexit and other divisive issues. This puts disinformation purely in the domain of political and national security, an area of life that for many people seem as remote from their daily lives, as the countries in which the threats originate.

However, in the context of the growing anti-vax movement and alternative therapies for Covid-19, we observe how disinformation coupled with public ignorance of the facts are negatively impacting our everyday lives. Anti-vax and anti-lockdown conspiracy theorists have taken to the streets in European capitals (including London on 19 September), to protest against the lockdown measures and the mandatory wearing of face masks, in attempts to discredit any future vaccine[3]. Anti-vax theories are gaining a greater following in the UK, but the impact can be clearly seen in many American cities which are seeing an increase in cases of measles, mumps, and tuberculosis as vaccination levels decrease[4].

Despite accumulated scientific evidence pointing to the reliability of vaccines, not least the eradication of devastating diseases in the UK such as polio, and the discreditation of the scientists who first supported anti-vax theories, people are still inclined to believe some stranger on Facebook. This is made possible by disinformation methods that have become far more sophisticated and appear in articles on websites, in videos on news sites, and rarely find engagement with vigorous debate. The anonymity of social media and the courage (or bravado) this instils in people mean that reasonable voices are drowned out by those spouting vitriolic abuse at any dissenting voices. Mainstream views are pushed out as extreme voices resort to threats and insults to get their point across more firmly.

‘Knowledge is power’ (was first written down in Thomas Hobbes’ political tome Leviathan in 1668) is perhaps not the most powerful argument in favour, but how are we to make sure that the knowledge being distributed and circulated in social media networks is accurate? Firstly, and most importantly, we have to stop using the same tactics. From the politician who purposely manipulates statistics to make a false impression of reality, to the wordsmith who uses language to mask the truth, to the politician who rebrands their party political account to appear as an independent fact checking organisation.

We know statistics can be manipulated and it is done time and time again in debates on poverty statistics. Relative poverty and absolute poverty are two different measures – relative poverty is set at 60% of the average net household income in the year in question and can fluctuate from year to year whereas absolute poverty is set at 60% of the average net household income of 2010/11 and does not fluctuate over time. According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies data[5], relative poverty rates have increased for children and everyone overall, for working-age non-parents and pensioners they have stayed fairly level. However, absolute poverty rates have decreased for pensioners and working-age non-parents, stayed fairly level for everyone overall, and increased for children. So, the Government can claim to have reduced poverty and use statistics to back up that fact, the Opposition and charities can claim poverty has increased, and the public are none the wiser to the actual state of affairs.

Politicians will always use the best evidence to support their claims, and the opposition will always pull another piece of evidence that seems to suggest otherwise – that’s just the way politics works. With elections and Government at stake, it seems impossible as well as naïve to assume that for politicians would speak plainly and leave the party-political rhetoric at the door. But journalists have a responsibility, not just to support the politicians whose party their editor or paper supports, but to analyse claims and show their respective strengths and weaknesses. They also need to look at the use of anonymous sources and treat them as factual. Without the opportunity to assess the reliability of sources, we are both failing to look critically at information and encouraging belief in faceless facts.

Ultimately, we need critical thinkers. Schools try to teach critical thinking through History and English Literature, but all subjects have a role to play in teaching us to look at the world more critically and analyse what is being told to us. Maths is important in showing us how statistics can be manipulated, Science can show us the complex systems in place to develop vaccines as well as look at the ethics of experimentation, Drama can teach us to look at the character behind the rhetoric and eloquent speeches. Above all, coursework and project work teaches more than teamwork and presentation skills; it teaches us how to research and balance the various claims, how to look critically at who is writing and explaining, and what their motives are. This? Pedagogy you mean? is as important as the actual content, so that people learn to look past the emotive and sometimes the shocking elements to the trustworthiness of the content.

We’ve seen the pernicious and deadly impact that disinformation can have on people’s lives. From the war in Ukraine to the Covid pandemic, disinformation is a threat to national security. But we are not taking it seriously and we are not taking adequate steps to tackle it. Social media platforms must be made responsible for the content on their sites, politicians must be made accountable for comments they make, “inside sources” must face greater scrutiny from journalists, and we must ensure that tackling disinformation is incorporated into the curriculum. National Service was used to prepare the nation when the threat of conventional war was present; education promoting critical thinking is our preparation for disinformation at present.

 

Sophia Rigby is a Doctoral Researcher in the Department of Defence Studies at King’s College, London. Her research is focusing on realist-constructivist theories of international relations and how it relates to Russian foreign policy in Europe. She holds a BA in Modern Languages and a Masters focusing on Russia and Eastern Europe. Since graduating, she has been working in political strategies and communications.

Filed Under: Feature Tagged With: Covid, Disinformation, Fake News, Politics, theory

Is International Politics All About the State and Power?

February 24, 2021 by Anahad Khangura

By Anahad Khangura

(NY Law 2021)

With the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the modern state system was established along with the significance of territorial sovereignty of the state. In the sphere of international relations, power, which can be further classified into military, economic or diplomatic powers of the state, has emerged as significant instrument which is utilised by states to regulate the affairs of the international relations. Nation-states aim to maintain a ‘balance of power’ through which states aim to maximise their security by creating an equal distribution of power to avoid accumulation of power in one state. States pursue this balance of power by either maximising their capacity or by creating alliances with other nations to augment their power collectively.

However, different schools of thought adopt a varied approach to the nature of power in international relations. The realist paradigm considers power particularly in the military aspect. Therefore, realism considers states as the chief actors who regulate power politics to secure their interests. The liberal paradigm focuses on the power and interests of states but in relation to other groups of society. Liberalism highlights the significance of cooperation between states and other actors to maintain their positions in international politics. Additionally, the neo-liberal institutionalists believe that states with converging interests create international institutions such as inter-governmental organisations (IGOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) which digress power and sovereignty from the nation-state. The transnational nature of issues like climate change and disarmament, demand the involvement of international institutions which can facilitate effective communication between nation-states. In correspondence with the neo-liberal perspective, it can be said that the growing significance of non-state actors challenges the conventional ‘state-centric’ approach to international politics and subsequently replaces it with a ‘transnational’ system. In line with the neo-liberal institutionalists, it is imperative to acknowledge the significance of international institutions in international relations. Even though states remain the decisive factors in the international relations apparatus, the participation of international organisations cannot go unobserved. Therefore, international relations not only engage with the state and its powers but also with other significant agents such as international organisations, not-for-profit initiatives, and the civil society.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the concept of war became distant for nations due to the devastation and havoc caused. Consequently, the role of international institutions began to expand as they emerged as instruments of maintaining world peace and order. For instance, in 1945, the United Nations (UN) emerged as an outcome of the turmoil caused by the Second World War to avoid potential destructive wars. Today, the UN holds a form of power which maintains a system of checks and balances on the behaviours of nation-states. Therefore, the notion of power is no longer confined to states, but it has been dispersed to other bodies as well. The fast-paced globalisation process has had a detrimental impact on the traditional perspective of the state and its powers. This has led to the expansion of the scope of international politics to include more actors. The ability of international institutions to influence the behaviour of states in the political realm has increased their significance and scope.

SIGNIFICANCE OF NON-STATE ACTORS IN WORLD POLITICS

In the context of the shifting power dynamic, a ‘polyarchy’ has emerged where nations and sub-national groups have created a pattern of coexistence. In the sphere of international relations, non-state actors can be defined as all those actors that are not states. This includes organisations and institutions operating at a global, national or local level. Non-state actors have emerged as important components of international relations as they maintain a system of constraints which holds states accountable for their actions. International institutions highlight the impact of government actions to the public which creates a standard of transparency between the officials and the public. The structure of international relations has emerged as a mutually dependent network where states cooperate with non-state actors to maximise their interests and to uphold world order.

The realm of international politics has been complicated due to two main reasons: primarily, the diversity of actors in the political system; secondarily, the linkages between various issues and their transnational nature. In order to maximise cooperation between nation-states, international organisations play a significant role by providing a medium of communication where the realisation of common goals could lead to a consensus regarding political matters. International organisations regulate international relations by facilitating effective inter-state cooperation to help states to achieve their objectives. Therefore, such organisations seek to maximise the advantages of nation-states by serving as instruments of communication and cooperation. Therefore, outcomes regarding security cannot be considered solely as results of state action as the contribution of international organisations is significant to the process.

However, the functioning of international institutions is regulated by the participation of states. Nation-states are the significant navigators of international institutions. In international organisations, the objectives and interests of some states are more significant than those of the others. More powerful states can sway international organisations in favour of their interests. However, great powers uphold their hegemony and maximise their interests at the expense of the benefits of smaller states. For instance, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is dominated by the Permanent Five (P5) nations which hold the power to veto resolutions which are opposed to their primary interests.

Additionally, human rights organisations have also emerged to challenge the sovereignty of states by upholding a medium of transnational constraints regarding human rights practices which the states are expected to observe. For instance, the European Commission of Human Rights has emerged as an agency which was developed by European nations by submitting a part of their sovereignty to help monitor human rights breaches in Europe. Therefore, these international institutions have emerged as important components of the international relations.

On the other hand, terrorist organisations and militant groups have also become important determinants of international relations. The multi-ethnic nature of almost all states has prompted a sense of victimisation amongst certain communities. Consequently, terrorism has been utilised as an instrument by individuals and communities to expose their grievances with the political system. Additionally, there have also been multiple cases of state-sponsored violence where governments have adopted a violent methodology to suppress weaker communities of society. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) can further exemplify the impact that terrorist organisations can have on the system of international politics. ISIS emerged as a terrorist organisation which challenged the sovereign territory of nations and declared its caliphate. Additionally, ISIS also managed to maintain a constant influx of finances and ammunition. The ability of terrorist organisations to function as independent bodies, with territory and financial support, questions the supremacy of nations in international relations.

Another significant aspect which has emerged is the participation and the involvement of civil society in the process of international relations. The progress of democratic states has escalated the impact and influence of civil society in politics. Individuals outside the political realm have the power to hold the government accountable for their actions by exercising their right to protest and voice dissent. The collective participation of the civil society can influence the flow of international relations.

CONCLUSION

The traditional approach to international relations upheld that states regulate power to maximise their interests. However, the globalisation process has undermined the superiority of states in international politics by introducing other agents as significant stakeholders. The contribution of non-state actors to international politics cannot be overlooked. States may continue to remain significant actors in international politics but the medium of cooperation and communication between states would not be attained without the involvement of international institutions. The contemporary understanding of power has divided power between different participants. An approach to international politics which solely focuses on the state and its powers could be inadequate. Therefore, a multi-pronged approach to international politics acknowledges a network of co-dependence between nation-states, non-state organisations and the civil society.

 

Anahad Khangura has recently received her Master’s degree in International Peace and Security from the War Studies Department at KCL. Her academic interests are inclined towards types of political violence and counterterrorism strategies. For her Master’s dissertation, Anahad evaluated the adaptability of terrorist organisations in light of a comparative analysis between Lashkar-e-Taiba and Hezbollah. You can follow her on Twitter: @Anahad15

Filed Under: Feature Tagged With: globalisation, IR, non-state actors, theory, westphalia

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