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You are here: Home / Archives for Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela

The player: "Plot for Peace"

March 24, 2014 by Strife Staff

Editor’s Note:

This movie’s highlight for those like myself fascinated by diplomacy, its study, theory and practices, is its exceptional depiction of Track II diplomacy. We see Olivier, French businessman, deeply involved in many of the preliminaries to the Angola-Namibian accords. Whilst the claim of the film, that this was crucial to the end of Apartheid, is somewhat far-fetched, we may well understand that this is the need of the market, to link to the obvious symbol of Mandela’s liberation as the end of that process.

On the other hand, the machinations, tribulations and frustrations of Track II diplomacy are well represented, as are the personal international networks that made this preliminary diplomacy possible. This film is also a fascinating corollary to anybody interested in the diplomacy of that period and conflict (see for instance G. R. Berridge, ‘Diplomacy and the Angola/Namibia Accords’, International Affairs Vol. 65, No. 3 (Summer, 1989) , pp. 463-47 <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2621723>) and looking to retrieve the personal, the informal, where institutions and ministries fail to reach the conditions for dialogue and necessitate the weird, the friendly, non-sovereign and influential intervention of a non-diplomatist like Olivier.

Pablo de Orellana
Editor, Strife

* * *

The player: “Plot for Peace”

Plot for Peace - STRIFE

By Mike McCahill:

Jean-Yves Ollivier is a French businessman with a story to tell: how he came to be personally involved in securing Nelson Mandela’s release from prison. When we first meet Ollivier in Carlos Agulló and Mandy Jacobson’s impressively detailed documentary Plot for Peace, he’s playing solitaire in a shaded backroom filling up with his own cigar smoke, and professing his own skill at making order from the chaos of the world. Clearly, this is one of life’s cannier, savvier players, his rotund belly and ruddied cheeks speaking to a level of personal success; he proceeds to recount the circumstances of the greatest hand he claims to have ever laid down.

Ollivier moved to South Africa in 1981, and found it to be a nation on the verge of a grave and terrible schism: as some particularly choice, occasionally vicious archive footage makes apparent, this was a country determined to do just about anything to keep its poor black citizens from disrupting the high life its white elite were enjoying elsewhere. The status quo could only hold for so long, Ollivier sensed, and any destabilisation would prove damaging indeed to the West’s considerable business interests in the region - his own among them. As the violence stepped up, he hit upon the idea of mining his own gilded contacts book, with the aim of enlisting key figures from both sides to sit around the same table and thrash out a deal for peace.

There followed a torturously complex process of negotiation, which went on for several years before the ANC leader’s name came up: the talk had first to pass through events in neighbouring Namibia, and hit a major stumbling block in the form of Angola, beset as that country then was by both Cuban and South African forces, with the US, almost inevitably, starting to poke its nose in over the issue of the continent’s vast mineral reserves. In the midst of all this talk, it is possible as a viewer to start getting lost, although the tangled web of allegiances Ollivier’s narration sets out seems to prove beyond all doubt the enduring diplomatic theory that everything everywhere is connected - while also suggesting there was more of interest going on behind the scenes than the recent Mandela biopic pushed front and centre.

Ollivier’s claim is that his profile is such that it can open doors others cannot, while still allowing him to fly under the radar (in the case of one anecdote here, literally) if need be. All governments need guys like him to take the steps and carry the baggage state-accredited diplomats cannot. Needless to say, this leaves him a figure at least as controversial as might be heroic. You could well come out of the film arguing that Ollivier’s actions were governed more by self-interest than any more humanitarian or philanthropic impulse, although he’s the first to insist the economic sanctions imposed on South Africa at the time of his arrival weren’t helping anybody. Perhaps the ends do, sometimes, justify the means.

His contact book has, at the very least, helped the filmmakers to secure access to most of the key diplomatic and political figureheads of this particular moment, including Winnie Mandela and representatives from Congo Brazzaville, and Mozambique, further complicating the notion this whole tale might merely be one ageing white man’s prideful reappropriation of a defining moment in recent black African history. A reliance on talking heads to corroborate or redirect elements of the subject’s narration may prove a little wearying for the layperson - though enough of Ollivier’s reference points actually come to pass to leave one mulling over the idea there’s more fascinating truth in here than not.

Plot for Peace is touring selected cinemas nationwide ahead of its DVD release on Monday, 24 March.

 

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Mike McCahill writes on film for The Guardian, The Sunday Telegraph, The Scotsmanand Metro, and is the chief film critic for MovieMail. He has contributed to Radio 4’s Today programme, and made regular appearances on the Press TV show Cinepolitics. His reviews can be found in The DVD Guide (Canongate, 2006; second edition 2007), Halliwell’s The Movies that Matter (HarperCollins, 2008) and online at http://cinesthesiac.blogspot.co.uk. He’s a lover, not a fighter.

Filed Under: Film Review Tagged With: Angola, Diplomacy, Namibia, Nelson Mandela, Plot For Peace, South Africa, Track II diplomacy

Women in peacemaking: a legacy of Nelson Mandela

December 11, 2013 by Strife Staff

by Dr. Georgina Holmes

Nelson Mandela’s philosophy towards conflict resolution has had a profound impact on international peacemaking processes, but it was his policy of inclusion that opened doors for women.

Six months after the end of his presidential term in December 1999, Mandela was appointed as the new mediator in Burundi’s faltering peace process. Mandela’s predecessor, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, had succeeded in extending the Arusha Talks to all recognised political parties that had participated in the 1993 elections, but the approach he adopted followed the standard strategy used by the UN, which saw other elements of Burundian society excluded. Within a week of his appointment, Mandela cautioned that the exclusion of any groups with the potential to create instability in Burundi would be detrimental to achieving long-term peace. His team brought together 19 separate Burundian organisations, although some armed rebel factions still refused to participate.

Later, Mandela expressed frustration at the lack of flexible leadership among the negotiating parties, counselling that ‘there are good men and women in all communities’ and that the ‘art of leadership is to compromise with your adversary not your friends’.[1] Building trust, understanding each other’s cultures and breaking down dehumanising stereotypes were prerequisites to uniting leaders and their peoples. Finding a shared understanding was to be the focus for Burundian negotiators, and Mandela was critical of their ‘manoeuvring to discredit or weaken’ rivals.[2] Mandela’s attitudes towards resolving conflict through peaceful means drew on his experiences of negotiating with his oppressors in apartheid South Africa and then, as President, successfully transitioning a volatile country into a peaceful democracy. In Burundi, he proved to be a deft mediator, using discipline and encouragement to bring Burundians closer to reaching consensus and rejecting his predecessor’s use of threats and intimidation. He was able to turn to his advantage the acclaim he received as a great statesman, raising international awareness of the Burundian crisis, while commanding respect from Burundians as a freedom fighter against apartheid rule.

As a mediator, Mandela saw the importance of the many political processes under way in Burundi and speculated that ‘if harnessed and directed at constructive routes’, these processes ‘could form the basis for lasting political settlement’. [3] Building on these dynamics was deemed particularly vital if peace was to be sustained in states where conflicts were primarily based on identity politics, or the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and where civilians bore the brunt of suffering. It is here that women gained their entry point into the peacemaking process. Burundian women had worked for many years implementing local peace initiatives but had consistently been excluded from the formal peace process at the national level. By making the peace negotiations a more public affair, Mandela called on civil society groups and women’s groups to input into the design of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, which was eventually signed on 28 August 2000.

Working with the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, Mandela supported an All-Party Burundi women’s peace conference on 17-20 July 2000 in Arusha, Tanzania. Over 50 Burundian women representatives from the 19 Burundian organisations involved in the peace negotiations attended and together put forward several gender specific demands. Among these were the inclusion of a women’s charter in the constitution, measures to ensure women’s security, women’s rights to land, inheritance and education, and an end to impunity for both gender based war crimes and domestic violence. These recommendations were presented by Mandela to the 19 organisations, who accepted all of the women’s recommendations – although their request to have a 30 per cent quota for women at all political decision making levels did not feature in the final peace agreement, and only later would women achieve a stronger political voice in Burundi.[4]

Leading by example

Mandela’s efforts to engage Burundian women could not have been better timed. Women’s transnational mobilisation to reform international law and institutions had led to the ratification of the landmark UN Security Council Resolution 1325 – on Women, Peace and Security in 31 October 2000. The work of Mandela and his partners provided a practical example of how women could be brought into peacemaking processes at all levels, and as a result Resolution 1325 acquired greater legitimacy internationally. As former Executive Director of the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), now UN Executive Secretary for the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Dr. Noeleen Heyzer observed in July 2013, Mandela ‘was one of the first world leaders to truly grasp the importance of the adoption of Resolution 1325…it was he who helped us breathe life into its implementation’.[5]

More than a decade on from the Burundian crisis, actual numbers of women in formal peace negotiations around the world are still pitifully low. Women constitute around two per cent of negotiating teams, although informal ‘Track II’ conflict resolution mechanisms allow women to push for peace accords that address gender-specific priority issues such as physical security and human rights. There is concern that Resolution 1325 and its associated resolutions are not being implemented effectively. The unanimous adoption by UNSC of Resolution 2122 on Friday 18 October 2013, which calls for a more systematic approach to the implementation of commitments on women, peace and security is another welcomed step towards establishing a framework that supports gender parity. Yet, in reviewing Mandela’s legacy, it seems that women’s genuine integration into peace processes can only be achieved through incisive and visionary leadership and a sustained commitment to long-term social transformation.

___________________________

Dr Georgina Holmes co-chairs the Africa Research Group in Department of War Studies, King’s College London and is the author of Women and War in Rwanda (2013), published by I.B Tauris.

_____________
NOTES

[1] Nelson Mandela, 2010, Conversations to Myself, Basingstoke: Macmillan
[2] Nelson Mandela, 2010, Conversations to Myself, Basingstoke: Macmillan
[3] ‘Nelson Mandela, 2003, ‘Address by Nelson Mandela to people of Burundi’, http://www.mandela.gov.za/mandela_speeches/2003/0304_burundi.htm, accessed 11 December 2013
[4] UNIFEM, 2009, p6
[5] Noeleen Heyzer, 2013, ‘Taking Action & Inspiring Change on Nelson Mandela International Day’, http://www.unescap.org/speeches/taking-action-inspiring-change-nelson-mandela-international-day, accessed 11 December 2013

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Burundi, Nelson Mandela, peacemaking, UN 1325, women

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