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From Syria to Sochi: The increasing role of women in terrorism

January 31, 2014 by Strife Staff

By Joana Cook

sochi-security-jan-2014_0

As the opening ceremony to the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi quickly approaches, the security of both athletes and attendees remain at the forefront of international scrutiny in the wake of three recent bombings which killed 37 people.

Last weekend in Geneva, peace talks began in an attempt to negotiate an end to the three-year Syrian civil war that has culminated in a humanitarian disaster which has left over 130,000 dead.

What these two seemingly unconnected events have in common is the recent prominence of women, specifically in carrying out or supporting activities, related to terrorism. Examining the roles that women are taking in Syria and Sochi provides two unique and independent case studies that broaden the investigation of the positions that women are taking up in connection to terrorism, and how this is playing out in wider prevention and response.

In Russia, following three separate bombings in the town of Volgograd since October 21, 2013, information has started to surface on those responsible for the attacks and their motivations. The suicide bombers referred to as black widows, or shahidka’s, have seemingly returned. A female was cited as the perpetrator in the October attack on a public bus, and though reports released January 30, 2014 indicated it was two males that carried out the two subsequent  attacks on a public trolley bus and train station, women were initially suspected in these cases. Police are also distributing posters seeking three other women at large in Sochi who were trained to ‘perpetrate acts of terrorism’.

Active in Russia since 2000, these largely Chechan and Dagestani female suicide bombers have been responsible for a significant portion of attacks in the Northern Caucasus since. A 2013 article by The Daily Beast stated that 46 women over the last 12 years have been involved in suicide attacks in the region. While fundamentalist Islamic motivations are often publicly cited, other sources point to independence aspirations, personal traumas, or revenge of the deaths of their sons, brothers or husbands and even romanticising love with ‘Islamic warriors’.

In the British media, over the last week there have been two separate cases involving a total of four female individuals detained en route to Syria. Two women aged 26 and 27 were charged with making funds available to terrorism after being caught with €20,000 cash, trying to leave Heathrow airport travelling to Turkey. Perhaps more shockingly, two girls aged 17 who were allegedly ‘inspired by jihad’ were also intercepted boarding a plane to Syria in a separate case. Recent reports have also indicated that there are growing numbers of women who are seeking al-Qaeda fighter husbands amongst British men in Syria.

While there are distinctly different roles presented here, that of suicide bomber, financier, jihadist fighter and potential wife, what this does point to is increasingly visible and potentially diversifying functions of women in terrorist organisations.

There are three key areas of particular concern when assessing gender in terrorism: actions, motivations and approach. While these areas certainly affect both men and women, it is worthwhile to ask if, and how, they may differ in their responses.

Do the actions of these women differentiate them from their male counterparts in terms of tactics, or ease with which they are able to carry out their activities? For example, are women screened less when travelling abroad and targeted by groups for these actions? What are the motivating factors that drive these women to become supportive of, attracted to, or involved in terrorist activities? How are these factors differentiated by their sex, age, life events or other factors? How do you effectively deter and prevent engagement in these illicit activities when trauma or romanticising of fighters is involved? Do we understand the social constructions and contexts associated with one’s gender and how these may cause one individual to act differently than another?

It is far beyond the scope of this article to ‘genderise’ how we approach security, nor is it the intent. It would, however, be apt to note the traditional descriptions of security, and arguably more specifically counterterrorism, are largely dominated by traits often viewed as masculine. Strength, heroism, bravery and protection are words that would comfortably fit into everyday public narratives which surround security. This then begs the question: have traits or actions associated with femininity yet had their due examination in the security sector which these cases have highlighted? This consideration should be used to call attention to gendered aspects of security, rather than challenge how security is structured more broadly.

We should use these two recent examples from Sochi and Syria to examine the robustness and depth of our understanding of, and approach to, security and specifically its impact on preventing terrorism. How and why terrorism appeals to different groups has critical implications to the prevention and deterrence of future participation, as well as extensions to the judicial framework and policy practice in place to manage them. If women are being left out of the wider security scope, this would, I suggest, require us to question just how comprehensive our approach to security is, and who or what else is being overlooked. This may also have critical, wider impacts on how our security approaches discriminate against, alienate or even harm, those it may be seeking to protect.

If we want to ensure that the most pressing security concerns of our day are met with comprehensive, thoughtful and, most importantly, preventative approaches which do not perpetuate situations which may encourage further acts, we need to take a closer look at how terrorism is perceived by and reacted to all groups, including women.

Joana Cook is a PhD student at the Department of War Studies at King’s College London  researching the role and agency of women in counter-terrorism in Yemen.  She is also a researcher at the Canadian Network for Research on Terrorism, Security and Society (TSAS). You can follow her on Twitter @Joana_Cook

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Gender, Joana Cook, Sochi, Syria, terrorism, women

Women in peacemaking: a legacy of Nelson Mandela

December 11, 2013 by Strife Staff

by Dr. Georgina Holmes

Mandela_Bust_at_Southbank

Nelson Mandela’s philosophy towards conflict resolution has had a profound impact on international peacemaking processes, but it was his policy of inclusion that opened doors for women.

Six months after the end of his presidential term in December 1999, Mandela was appointed as the new mediator in Burundi’s faltering peace process. Mandela’s predecessor, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, had succeeded in extending the Arusha Talks to all recognised political parties that had participated in the 1993 elections, but the approach he adopted followed the standard strategy used by the UN, which saw other elements of Burundian society excluded. Within a week of his appointment, Mandela cautioned that the exclusion of any groups with the potential to create instability in Burundi would be detrimental to achieving long-term peace. His team brought together 19 separate Burundian organisations, although some armed rebel factions still refused to participate.

Later, Mandela expressed frustration at the lack of flexible leadership among the negotiating parties, counselling that ‘there are good men and women in all communities’ and that the ‘art of leadership is to compromise with your adversary not your friends’.[1] Building trust, understanding each other’s cultures and breaking down dehumanising stereotypes were prerequisites to uniting leaders and their peoples. Finding a shared understanding was to be the focus for Burundian negotiators, and Mandela was critical of their ‘manoeuvring to discredit or weaken’ rivals.[2] Mandela’s attitudes towards resolving conflict through peaceful means drew on his experiences of negotiating with his oppressors in apartheid South Africa and then, as President, successfully transitioning a volatile country into a peaceful democracy. In Burundi, he proved to be a deft mediator, using discipline and encouragement to bring Burundians closer to reaching consensus and rejecting his predecessor’s use of threats and intimidation. He was able to turn to his advantage the acclaim he received as a great statesman, raising international awareness of the Burundian crisis, while commanding respect from Burundians as a freedom fighter against apartheid rule.    

As a mediator, Mandela saw the importance of the many political processes under way in Burundi and speculated that ‘if harnessed and directed at constructive routes’, these processes ‘could form the basis for lasting political settlement’. [3] Building on these dynamics was deemed particularly vital if peace was to be sustained in states where conflicts were primarily based on identity politics, or the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and where civilians bore the brunt of suffering. It is here that women gained their entry point into the peacemaking process. Burundian women had worked for many years implementing local peace initiatives but had consistently been excluded from the formal peace process at the national level. By making the peace negotiations a more public affair, Mandela called on civil society groups and women’s groups to input into the design of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, which was eventually signed on 28 August 2000.

Working with the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, Mandela supported an All-Party Burundi women’s peace conference on 17-20 July 2000 in Arusha, Tanzania. Over 50 Burundian women representatives from the 19 Burundian organisations involved in the peace negotiations attended and together put forward several gender specific demands. Among these were the inclusion of a women’s charter in the constitution, measures to ensure women’s security, women’s rights to land, inheritance and education, and an end to impunity for both gender based war crimes and domestic violence. These recommendations were presented by Mandela to the 19 organisations, who accepted all of the women’s recommendations – although their request to have a 30 per cent quota for women at all political decision making levels did not feature in the final peace agreement, and only later would women achieve a stronger political voice in Burundi.[4]

Leading by example

Mandela’s efforts to engage Burundian women could not have been better timed.  Women’s transnational mobilisation to reform international law and institutions had led to the ratification of the landmark UN Security Council Resolution 1325 – on Women, Peace and Security in 31 October 2000. The work of Mandela and his partners provided a practical example of how women could be brought into peacemaking processes at all levels, and as a result Resolution 1325 acquired greater legitimacy internationally. As former Executive Director of the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), now UN Executive Secretary for the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Dr. Noeleen Heyzer observed in July 2013, Mandela ‘was one of the first world leaders to truly grasp the importance of the adoption of Resolution 1325…it was he who helped us breathe life into its implementation’.[5]

More than a decade on from the Burundian crisis, actual numbers of women in formal peace negotiations around the world are still pitifully low. Women constitute around two per cent of negotiating teams, although informal ‘Track II’ conflict resolution mechanisms allow women to push for peace accords that address gender-specific priority issues such as physical security and human rights. There is concern that Resolution 1325 and its associated resolutions are not being implemented effectively. The unanimous adoption by UNSC of Resolution 2122 on Friday 18 October 2013, which calls for a more systematic approach to the implementation of commitments on women, peace and security is another welcomed step towards establishing a framework that supports gender parity. Yet, in reviewing Mandela’s legacy, it seems that women’s genuine integration into peace processes can only be achieved through incisive and visionary leadership and a sustained commitment to long-term social transformation.

___________________________

Dr Georgina Holmes co-chairs the Africa Research Group in Department of War Studies, King’s College London and is the author of Women and War in Rwanda (2013), published by I.B Tauris.

_____________
NOTES

[1] Nelson Mandela, 2010, Conversations to Myself,  Basingstoke: Macmillan
[2] Nelson Mandela, 2010, Conversations to Myself,  Basingstoke: Macmillan
[3] ‘Nelson Mandela, 2003, ‘Address by Nelson Mandela to people of Burundi’, http://www.mandela.gov.za/mandela_speeches/2003/0304_burundi.htm, accessed 11 December 2013
[4] UNIFEM, 2009, p6
[5] Noeleen Heyzer, 2013, ‘Taking Action & Inspiring Change on Nelson Mandela International Day’, http://www.unescap.org/speeches/taking-action-inspiring-change-nelson-mandela-international-day, accessed 11 December 2013

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Burundi, Nelson Mandela, peacemaking, UN 1325, women

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