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You are here: Home / Archives for Masculinity

Masculinity

A Man’s World: Masculinity in International Politics

December 7, 2018 by Eve Gleeson

By Eve Gleeson

7 December 2018

There is a gender gap in having your voice heard (and listened to) in international relations. (Image credit: Ellen Weinstein for Politico)

International politics is a man’s world. The practice of international relations, defined by constant efforts to identify and solve bilateral, multilateral, and global issues, has historically been guided by initiatives reflective of the experiences, interests, and characteristics of Western hegemonic masculinity.  

Besides the practice itself, membership and leadership ranging from research institutions like The Brookings Institute and news outlets such as The Economist to governance bodies like the African Union are evidence of unequal gender representation that permeates through the field. Perhaps less obvious is the masculine nature of the content and character of such organisations and their traditional approach to addressing issues spanning from political economy to security and conflict.    

States as a reflection of the patriarchy

There are parallels between key topics in the field of international relations and the facets of masculine culture, such as power, hegemony, conflict and weapons development, colonialism, and the global economy. A popular theory argued by scholars across the board is that states themselves are an expression of patriarchal power; ‘Leadership itself is monolithic, hierarchical and violent,’ argues John Hoffman.[1] The idea of concentrating power in the hands of one person, regardless of gender, so that this individual may execute dominance over the all other actors is itself a masculine concept based on hegemonic masculinity, a characteristic that glorifies the essence of ‘manhood’ as physical power, heterosexuality, elitism, and sexual dominance.[2]  

These ‘manly’ states have been built by men around the interests of men. This is evident especially in older states, whose political structures were built when women had limited rights as citizens. From the beginning of organised statehood, a state was constructed and then led by a ‘hegemon.’ According to realists like John Mearsheimer, a hegemon is a nation-state at the pinnacle of security from external threats and is idealised for its capacity to manipulate actors both within and beyond the level of the state (for example, the United States is thought of as the current hegemon, following Great Britain’s decline after the Second World War. Many scholars believe China will be next).[3] This hegemon dictates the successes or failures of its subordinates through diplomatic maneuvers coupled with overbearing military and economic power, as Alfred Mahan discusses in his history of naval warfare.[4] The idolisation of this kind of power reflects the masculinity of the international community, as each state desires to rise high enough to dictate the proceedings of every state functioning below itself.  

The gender of war 

War, violence, and the military are archetypically masculine. The notion of the ideal man is equated to the ideal soldier– someone whose belligerence and physical prowess defines manhood.[5] In his case study on the US Navy, Frank Barrett emphasises the conflation of masculine identity with ‘autonomy and risk taking’, ‘perseverance and endurance’, and ‘technical rationality’ among US Naval officers.[6] While service in the military is applauded as a demonstration of defending one’s country, long term non-violent peacebuilding efforts geared toward sustainable progress are not equally as praised as exhibitions of courage, valour, or patriotism. The value of these efforts to their nation is indisputable, though doing so as a force preserving and enforcing peace rather than quelling and inciting violence is at odds with the masculine conception of a state’s power.  

Perhaps unsurprisingly, weapons themselves are gendered to reflect traditional features of femininity and masculinity. Catastrophic weapons like nuclear bombs and warheads have historically been related to masculine characteristics. Carol Cohn, a feminist international theory icon and scholar in conflict and security, details that missiles carrying a nuclear payload are often spoken of in reference to ‘deep penetration’, ‘thrust to weight ratios’, and ‘vertical erector launchers’. Sexualising a weapon with phallic imagery suggests this decisive power that a weapon possesses.[7] The conviction that military capacity is a harbinger of a state’s power signals the primacy of ‘maleness’ in the social order, while an abundance of research suggests a state’s economic stability to be contingent on other factors such as quality of education and gender equality.[8]  

Security itself is a male-dominated field that concerns topics from military occupation and conflict to trade and energy — all of which are masculinised concepts that have preserved the technical jargon which insulates the field from a more humanistic narrative. Carol Cohn argues that by presenting information in a logical format using coded language, such as complex terminology and acronyms, harsh material is ‘softened’. One of her examples was a term applied to a type of bomb whose destructive explosive power destroyed the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. This particular type of weapon is referred to as a ‘clean bomb’, referring to its lack of lingering radiation effects. This terminology avoids the emotional fallout associated with admitting plans for ‘mass murder, mangled bodies, and unspeakable human suffering.’[9] The vernacular used by security and defense intellectuals shows the exclusive and inaccessible nature of the content. When the conversation is driven by euphemisms, it’s easy to downplay the gravity of military mobilisations and hard to recognize the dynamic and intersectional nature of conflict.  

Security as a women’s issue 

Additionally, a state’s quality of security has been linked with women’s security; as gender equality improves (e.g. through political representation or civil rights), the security of the state improves. This results from increased productivity in multiple economic sectors, elections that provide gender-diverse political representation, and the safety and security of more demographics.[10] The way women are affected by insecurity may not be addressed by typical ‘malestream’ approaches to security issues, as their insecurity results from their roles in society which often differ from roles traditionally taken by men, as the textile, education, and social work industries indicate. These industries are often overlooked and even disregarded in male-dominated international political discussion. This gendered hierarchy exacerbates insecurity for women, who, in most states, make up half a state’s population and whose safety is contingent upon conscious efforts by the state.  

The ingrained masculinity of this field can be distinguished through trends of colonialism and military occupation that have been plagued with the sexual exploitation of native women in colonised and occupied countries. Feminist international relations scholar Cynthia Enloe details this in her review of American troops in the Philippines in the 1980s and their troubling relationship with native women.[11] Colonialism, a consequence of a strong state’s entitlement to “invade” or “penetrate” an unsuspecting weaker state, channels norms of masculine sexual aggression through the idea that the protector or conqueror can rightfully exploit the feminine, or feminised, object.[12]  

Women in the economy

The market and economy also reflect male-dominated spaces. The economy is propelled by productivity in labour and employment, but scholars often fail to consider how the exclusion of women from the labour market and the fields of work where female workers are most often exploited. The textile industry, on which many multinational corporations rely, has been criticized for labour exploitation, as substantiated with incidents at Nestlé, Nike and Coca-Cola. Abuse runs rampant through Bangladesh’s garment industry, where women of all ages and socioeconomic classes are exploited.[13] Established theories of economics have disregarded how women’s limited political freedoms, labour rights, and access to education stifle economic growth, especially since the study of economics began far before women contributed to economic prosperity. The field is also discussed by professionals who use structured arguments of supply and demand, which are undoubtedly critical, though a qualitative understanding of global economics considering the foundations of the marketplace reveal how traditional gender roles, like women in informal economic positions such as child care professionals and domestic workers, impact the economy.[14]  

By excluding the female perspective on important issues like security, the concerns of which are experienced differently by women than men, thought-leaders perpetuate an approach to problem-solving that focuses on more established approaches to international challenges that idealize power, subjugation, aggression, conquest, autonomy, and hegemony. Diplomacy, a practice among states to negotiate contrasting national interests to reach common goals, can be complicated by this illustration of hegemonic masculinity. A political ‘strongman’ has come to describe authoritarian political leaders like Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin whose leadership style derives from resistance to external suggestions, hostility towards opponents, and rejection of institutional authority. This is a culture of a ‘my way or the highway’ type modern diplomacy, indicating a hesitation toward collaborative or intersectional approaches, and resistance toward making concessions for fear of emasculation. However, intersectionality and a diversity of contributions to problem­-solving can create solutions that are more dynamic, amenable, and responsive to unpredictable environments.   

From the outside looking in, female professionals in international politics recognise the necessity for diverse opinions on issues, as Michèle Flournoy emphasised in an interview with Susan B. Glasser — ‘the more diverse the group around the table making decisions, the better the performance of the organization and the better the quality of the decision-making.’ As victims of exclusion from a system that determines how to mediate global issues, women are in a special position to criticize how their approach to and involvement with international politics differs from the established ways, and how it could improve the efficiency of the system. In reality, global issues impact both men and women, and often in very different ways. The tendency for discussion on these issues to be led by men — in systems constructed by men, that are reflective of the characteristics of men — makes it so that these approaches often fail to consider women’s issues and instead idolise masculine solutions.    


Eve Gleeson is a master’s student in International Relations at the Department of War Studies, King’s College London, as well as the Communications Manager of Strife. Her courses focus on security challenges in the evolving global context, including cyber threats, nuclear and biological programs, and security in new states. Eve holds a BA in International Studies with a focus on conflict and security from Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, USA. You can find her on LinkedIn and on Twitter @evegleeson_.


Notes:

[1]Hoffman, John. “Patriarchy, Sovereignty and Realism.” Gender and Sovereignty: Feminism, the State and International Relations, Palgrave, 2001, p. 9.  

[2] Connell, R. W., and James W. Messerschmidt. “Hegemonic Masculinity.” Gender & Society, vol. 19, no. 6, 2005, pp. 829–859. SAGE, doi:10.1177/0891243205278639.  

[3] Mearsheimer, John J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. W.W. Norton & Company, 2014

[4] Mahan, Alfred Thayer. The Influence of Sea Power upon History: 1660-1783. Dodo Press, 2009

[5] Mishkind, Marc E., et al. “The Embodiment of Masculinity.” American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 29, no. 5, 1986, pp. 545–562., doi:10.1177/000276486029005004.  

[6] Barrett, Frank J. “The Organizational Construction of Hegemonic Masculinity: The Case of the US Navy.”Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 3, no. 3, July 1996, pp. 129–142., doi:10.1111/14680432.00011.  

[7] Cohn, Carol. “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, vol. 12, no. 4, 1987, pp. 687–718. JSTOR, doi:10.1086/494362.  

[8] Global Gender Gap Report 2015: The Case for Gender Equality.” World Economic Forum, 2016, reports.weforum.org/globalgendergapreport2015/thecaseforgenderequality/.  

[9] Cohn, “Sex and Death” p. 696  

[10] Hudson, Valerie M., et al. “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States.” International Security, vol. 33, no. 3, 2008, pp. 7–45. MIT.  

[11] Enloe, Cynthia H. Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. University of California Press, 2014.  

[12]  Youngs, Gillian. “Feminist International Relations: a Contradiction in Terms? Or: Why Women and Gender Are Essential to Understanding the World We Live in *.” International Affairs, vol. 80, no. 1, 2004, pp. 76., doi:10.1111/j.14682346.2004.00367.x.  

[13] Ahmed, Fauzia Erfan. “The Rise of the Bangladesh Garment Industry: Globalization, Women Workers, and Voice.”NWSA Journal, vol. 16, no. 2, 2004, pp. 34–45., doi:10.1353/nwsa.2004.0042.  

[14] Hochschild, Arlie, and Barbara Ehrenreich. Global Woman: Nannies, Maids and Sex Workers in the New Economy. Owl, 2004.  


Image source: https://www.politico.com/interactives/2017/women-rule-politics-graphic/

Filed Under: Blog Article, Long read Tagged With: feminism, feminist IR, hegemonic masculinity, Masculinity

Donald Trump and the Perils of Modern Masculinity

October 13, 2016 by Harris Kuemmerle

By: Harris Kuemmerle

 

The recent release of comments made by Donald Trump in 2005 brought to light what many people have known for a number of years; that Donald Trump has a problem with women. In these comments his misogyny was laid bare and evident, and millions of people have been rightly appalled and disgusted in its wake. For those who may be unaware, this latest scandal to hit the Trump campaign erupted late last week when a video was released showing Mr. Trump making a number of comments about women which ran from the nauseating, to the genuinely illegal. One comment in particular, has been seized upon as particularly reprehensible. Where in Mr. Trump states that when you are a star you can do anything, including, ‘Grab them [women] by the pussy [vagina]. You can do anything.’.

While these comments are clearly reprehensible and have garnered a rare apology from Mr. Trump, attempts have also been made to spin these comments in a lighter tone. In the days following the release, it was stated and repeated by numerous figures in the media and politics that these comments amounted to nothing more than ‘locker room talk’, or more generally the kind of meaningless banter men often discuss with each other. Conversely, others claim that his comments are nothing more than the glorification of violent assault. Regardless, it is right to condemn these comments and point out that the vast majority of men discuss sex and relationships amongst themselves as a vital part of male friendships and without ever condoning or bragging about assault or abuse. However, it would also be naïve, to suggest that Donald Trump does not represent to some degree the current zeitgeist of American society at large.

We exist in a society where young boys are conditioned from birth to feel that to be a man means to be aggressive, unemotional, and even violent in the pursuit of individual gain. Terminology such as conquest, or score as a way to describe male sexual exploits speaks volumes. Likewise, anyone who falls outside of these neat categories is ostracised, especially gay and lesbian people. While characteristics such as compassion, empathy, and vulnerability are perceived as feminine and admonished. We see the consequences of this all around us from domestic abuse, to the epidemic of rape and sexual assault where almost one in five women in the United States will be raped during their lifetime, especially on university campuses. We see it in the pay and opportunity gap, disproportionate representation in politics, the economy, and science, and yes we also see it in the rise of Donald Trump. Indeed, the real scandal of Donald Trump’s comments is not in what he said, but in that his words present a disturbingly accurate reflection of American society. A society where men have both a perceived and very real feeling of structural, social, and sexual ownership and superiority over women; and that successful men have earned the right to act as they please.

The uncomfortable truth is that it’s not just that Donald Trump has a problem with women. It is that our society as a whole has a problem with women and gender asymmetry. Donald Trump, in all his sexism, misogyny, bigotry, and locker room talk, is a reflection and caricature of the patrilineal society in which he was brought up. However, in his campaign he also has the effect of both propagating contemporary sexism and in promoting the idea of a less equal society. His rhetoric and campaigning make it clear that he represents an attempt to not just ‘make America great again’, but to make the American male great again (and by extension American society) by returning it to its classical binary gendered form; and pushing back against the many accomplishments of so many female and male feminist and LGBTQ activists in recent decades. This is the real danger of a Donald Trump presidency. The potential to undo decades’ worth of work on a range of issues from race relations to economic equality. However, the risk to gender and sexual equality and the vindication of a section of American society which seeks to turn back the clock to an imagined time and place when men were men, and girls were girls, is particularly worrisome.

However, fixing sexism is not just about defeating Donald Trump. The root cause of sexism in our society must be understood as being partly a product of a rigid and binary gender dynamic which values aggression over empathy, which prioritises men over women, and violence over cooperation. These are not just women’s issues, or secondary issues for another day, these are human issues which affect us all; right now and in the foreseeable future. From the numerous and incalculable consequences for women, to homophobia and transphobia, to the significantly higher rates of suicide and mental health issues in men as opposed to women, to the clear link between female empowerment and long-term development success; the consequences of our current concept of gender in society are very real and very destructive.

Now more than ever this discussion is needed. To not just admonish Donald Trump as a pariah, but to understand the society and the gendered norms that created him. It is up to all of us to push back against all forms of bigotry. However, it is especially up to men of all backgrounds, classes, orientations, and gender identities to stand up to sexism and objectification in all its forms by calling it out at every opportunity and chastising those who engage in it both privately and in public. It is only by doing so that we can hope to prevent sexism and misogyny and help ensure a better future for both our daughters and our sons.

 

 

Harris is a PhD candidate in both the War Studies and Geography departments at King’s College London, as well as the Editor-in-Chief of Strife. He received a BSc in International Relations from Plymouth University and an MSc in Asian Politics from SOAS, University of London which focused on the Indo-Bangladeshi Ganges River dispute. His main areas of interest include; hydropolitics, human and state environmental security, climate change, environmental extremism, centre-state relations, and transboundary disputes. With additional interests in gender dynamics, interactive entertainment, and the role of science in society. His main region of focus is South Asia with additional expertise on the US, UK, and Europe. A native of the US, he has been based in the UK since 2008. You can follow him on Twitter: @HarrisKuemmerle

 

Notes:

Image Credit: https://static.pexels.com/photos/48566/pexels-photo-48566.jpeg 

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: American Culture, Donald Trump, Gender, Masculinity, recent, Sexual Assault

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