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You are here: Home / Archives for internally displaced persons

internally displaced persons

Widows and Children of the Caliphate’s Last Stand

May 9, 2019 by Miles Vining

By Miles Vining

9 April 2019

“They came in mostly as Burkha-clad widows with their screaming, crying, and confused children.” (Miles Vining)

“She soaked a big rag with bright red blood. We put a new one on and it soaked up a whole rag again within two minutes, bleeding a lot. Does that anti… Elliah, what do we do?….”. Our Chief Medic Elliah responds over the radio sets with, “Okay, is it a complete miscarry or not?”. “Stand by, it’s hard to tell but it looks like arterial bleeding to me,” Jason replied back. The two field medics were describing a pregnant woman who had just suffered a miscarriage. She was with what was left of her family at a temporary IDP (Internally Displaced Person) site behind Syrian Democratic Force (SDF) forward positions that faced the last remnants of the failed caliphate in the small Syrian town of Baghouz. Joining her before this day and afterwards would be over 29,000 IDPs who had fled from the fighting.

Some days they trickled in on foot across wide open spaces of No Man’s Land between the lines; other days they came in caravans of small trucks, pickups, sedans, even motorcycles. They came in mostly as Burkha-clad widows with their screaming, crying, and confused children. Many of their husbands had been killed while fighting for the so-called Islamic State; others vehemently claimed their husbands had no involvement with the group. One such wife even stated that, “I left my husband to die in that damned town!”. Another said, “Mine went into the desert,” while making a crawling motion with her hands. ISIS infiltrators were being killed within sight of SDF positions on many occasions. Sometimes you could hear the ordnance dropping all night from coalition aircraft, along with the illumination flares, mixed in with the Dushka and PKM machine gun fire.

(Miles Vining)

To some of them this would be the first time they had slept outside in the freezing plains of southeastern Syria. As one young Canadian widowed put it, “We didn’t know how to make a fire so we just ordered takeout for every meal”. Indeed, these  were not your covered-wagon, pioneering types but instead the urban middle-class that had been wooed by many a recruiter or suitor to find a way into Syria through Turkey or Iraq. So many widows that our team members interviewed had stories about being drawn to the caliphate during its early years, but still more of these stories had themes of trickery running through them. “He said that before we get married, we’d need to go meet his family in Raqqa”, or “I went to meet him in Turkey and he said we could get medicine for my children in Syria”. Again and again we would hear variations of the same tale, very badly wanting to ask if they had read a single news report about Syria before the trip. Even so, the Canadian lamented, “I mean, it was alright when the Caliphate was doing well,” and in the words of one Tunisian, “This is the land of Allah”.

They came from all corners of the world. Russians, Turks, Malaysians, Canadians, French, Germans, Azeris, Tajiks, Sudanese, Moldovans. The list would go on and on if we were able to conduct a complete census of them all. The flowing robes of the black abayas might have concealed the complexions of the mothers, but the children told a different tale. Different skin tones and hair styles spanned the breadth of humanity. Unfortunately, the youngest of these children had known nothing but the caliphate’s vicious education system, one that used IEDs (Improvised Explosive Device) as symbolic counters to teach basic arithmetic. Yet we saw them, daily, in such horrible conditions that many of our team members would have to step aside for a second to squeeze out tears before going back to tending to a bloody gash from shrapnel or a fractured limb.

(Miles Vining)

Casualties came from all over the spectrum as well. Some were from Inherent Resolve airstrikes or the artillery batteries that were pounding the caliphate lines on the outskirts of Baghouz. Some were from the caliphate’s gunfire as fleeing IDPs were trying to get away from the fighting, while others were even from SDF fire as militiamen in forward positions mistook vehicles packed with refugees for potential car bombs racing towards them in one final suicide attack. Indeed, at the beginning of February 2019, several SDF fighters were killed when fake “babies” that women were bringing in as IDPs exploded. On top of the wartime wounds were skin diseases, live births, miscarriages, kidney stones, and even old age conditions that all had to be attended to medically among the squalor of the temporary IDP site.

Men, however, were a different story. None of them were willing to admit it, but you could almost feel their hatred simmer in the chilly air. Much of it was directed towards us, the foreigner aid workers, but it was also towards the SDF fighters as well. Some of their responses to our greetings were short, showing minimal eye contact if it could not be avoided. Men would refuse outright medical care for injured women in their families, not wanting for a blood relative to be touched by our “Kaffir” medical staff.

Despite the horror and miserable conditions that the IDPs faced, the frightening realization for many on our team was that these people still had a formidable conviction in their failed caliphate. Indeed, towards the end, during the SDF-ISIS negotiations for terms of surrender, the families that were coming out of Baghouz were not  “fleeing” or were “Internally Displaced” in the real sense of the word. These were widows and husbands that had clung on until the bitter end, only now being forced to leave through political negotiation. In the words of one such widow, “Al-Baghdadi and Dyala went off the track. I’m still on the track and ready to die. This is a test from God to see if I just came to Syria for adventure”.

Many want that black flag to fly again.


Miles Vining is a volunteer relief worker behind SDF lines in Baghouz.

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Baghouz, Caliphate, Daesh, IED, internally displaced persons, ISIS, Miles Vining, Syria, Syrian Democratic Force

Privatising Peace: The Plight of Rural Communities in a Post-Peace Agreement Colombia

October 26, 2018 by Laura Knöpfel

By Laura Knöpfel 

26 October 2018

In 2016, following the Peace Agreement, Colombian legislation encouraged private corporations to invest in infrastructure projects in rural communities. (Image credit: Construcción Pan-Americana)

 

In November 2016, the Colombian president and representatives of FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo), the then largest  guerrilla group of the country, signed a peace agreement to end the decades long war. The war particularly affected rural communities, some of which had been forcefully displaced several times. In its 2017 year-end report on Colombia, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimated that 7.6 million people had been internally displaced persons (IDPs). The number of IDPs was the highest compared to any other country (including Syria) and amounted to 15 percent of the population. Notwithstanding the concluded peace deal, 75,000 people were newly displaced in 2017. In addition to forced displacements, rural communities had been severely impacted by the economic and regulatory presence of non-state actors such as the FARC, as well as paramilitary groups. Consistently, the peace agreement emphasises the participation of communities in rural development programmes. As this blog post will argue, post-peace agreement legislation on infrastructure development has ignored the peace agreement’s emphasis on community participation to the benefit of private corporations. Problematically, the privatisation and commercialisation of peace might lead to the continuing presence of non-state actors, this time, however, in the form of corporations.

The peace agreement’s participatory approach to rural development

Considering the conflict’s devastating impact on rural communities, it is only logical that the Colombian Peace Agreement of 2016 introduces in its first chapter a comprehensive rural reform which brings citizen participation to the fore. In specific, the subchapters on infrastructure and land improvement provide for communities’ active participation in the “prioritisation, implementation, monitoring and maintenance” of infrastructure projects. Further, the agreement envisages fast-track infrastructure projects for communities that suffered under the cultivation and trade of illicit drugs. They themselves should evaluate their needs and then prioritise the projects accordingly.

The state’s role would consist of providing technical assistance to and promoting the organisational capabilities of the communities. In the same manner, all the subchapters within the first part of the peace agreement on rural reform integrate the active participation of communities as a guarantee for transparency, citizen oversight and accountability. Infrastructure projects especially should only proceed in cooperation with the intended beneficiaries of the investment: the rural communities. Such a participatory approach is to be applauded.

Problematic privatisations within the implementation of the peace agreement

Embedded within post-peace legislation on infrastructure development in rural areas is the tax reform of December 2016. Section XI of Law 1819 of 2016 introduces two tax incentives for private corporations with the aim to attract investment into those rural communities that have been most affected by the conflict. Those specific communities belong to the 344 municipalities which the Ministry of Finance, the National Planning Department, and the Territorial Renewal Agency had defined as ‘ZOMAC’ (‘zonas más afectadas por el conflicto armado’). The more important of the two tax incentives is called ‘obras por impuestos,’ which could be translated as ‘public work for taxes.’ The second incentive consists of a progressive rate taxation, which severely reduces the income tax for companies that newly establish themselves in the ZOMAC communities.

Under the ‘obras por impuestos’ programme, companies with a gross income equal to or greater than 33,610 tax value units (in 2017 one tax value unit amounted to 31,859 Colombian Pesos[1]) can choose to invest in local infrastructure projects within ZOMAC communities, thereby receiving tax exemptions. The corporations can deduct the sum of investment from their annual income and revenue taxes. In this way, they can directly invest 50 percent of the amount of taxes owed into rural infrastructure projects. The corporations do not only invest but are responsible for all stages of the projects, from planning to maintenance. The executive branch of the affected municipalities can suggest projects which are then listed in an online registry. However, corporations themselves can also propose projects that they would like to sponsor. The projects must be approved by the Territorial Renewal Agency and the National Planning Department. The first round of projects and corporations was chosen in 2017. Thirty companies will invest COL$220.6 billion into 23 projects located in 25 municipalities in 12 different Colombian departments.

Lack of rural communities’ participation

Strikingly, Decree 1915 of 2017, which implements the tax reforms, is silent about active community participation in the infrastructure projects.  The tax programme’s mode of operation excludes the intended local beneficiaries. The neglect of communities’ active involvement in the development of their own region stands in stark contrast to the participatory image painted in the first chapter of the peace agreement. Worryingly, the state has externalised its public function without securing the active participation of the people that had been affected by the conflict and will be impacted by the investments. In the first round of projects, the chosen corporations will invest not only invest into roads (COL$142.1 billion) but also into education (COL$20.1 billion), drinking water and sewerage systems (COL$46.9 billion) and energy infrastructure (COL$11.5 billion).[2] The majority of the corporations chosen in the first round are active in the mining sector. As mining companies, it is at least questionable whether they have particular competences in the construction of roads, education, water and sewage facilities. The Colombian state does therefore not expect the private companies to implement the listed infrastructure project by themselves. Rather, they are allowed to contract third-party operators. The contract between the chosen companies and the third parties are of a private nature.

Contrary to the corporations that successfully proposed an infrastructure project, the third-party operators are not listed on the online registry. Their identity is unknown until they actually appear in the communities to execute the project. The constituting characteristic of the ZOMAC municipalities is how, in the past, they were affected by the armed, economic and regulatory presence of private entities. During decades, non-state actors fulfilled public functions which will most likely again be the case under the ‘obras por impuestos’ programme. The hope remains that the tax programmes are implemented in a way that is consistent with the participatory approach as promised by the peace agreement.


Laura Knöpfel is a Research Fellow and PhD candidate at the Transnational Law Institute of King’s College London. For her thesis on human rights accountability in the extractive industry, she spent several months in the Northern mining region of Colombia. 


[1] As of 23rd October 2018, 1 US Dollar is 3,086 Colombian Pesos.

[2] Editor’s note: These figures have been rounded to the nearest tenth.


Image source: https://www.construccion-pa.com/noticias/colombia-anuncio-primeros-proyectos-obras-impuestos/

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: colombia, Colombian Peace Agreement, community involvement, internally displaced persons

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