• Skip to primary navigation
  • Skip to main content
  • Skip to footer
  • Home
  • About
    • Editorial Staff
      • Bryan Strawser, Editor in Chief, Strife
      • Dr Anna B. Plunkett, Founder, Women in Writing
      • Strife Journal Editors
      • Strife Blog Editors
      • Strife Communications Team
      • Senior Editors
      • Series Editors
      • Copy Editors
      • Strife Writing Fellows
      • Commissioning Editors
      • War Studies @ 60 Project Team
      • Web Team
    • Publication Ethics
    • Open Access Statement
  • Archive
  • Series
  • Strife Journal
  • Strife Policy Papers
    • Strife Policy Papers: Submission Guidelines
    • Vol 1, Issue 1 (June 2022): Perils in Plain Sight
  • Contact us
  • Submit to Strife!

Strife

The Academic Blog of the Department of War Studies, King's College London

  • Announcements
  • Articles
  • Book Reviews
  • Call for Papers
  • Features
  • Interviews
  • Strife Policy Papers
    • Strife Policy Papers: Submission Guidelines
    • Vol 1, Issue 1 (June 2022): Perils in Plain Sight
You are here: Home / Archives for Fiction

Fiction

Capturing the humanity of the Cold War

February 17, 2021 by James Brown

By James Brown

A picture taken by renowned Czech photographer Viktor Kolar; his work captured the everyday experience in Ostrava, an important industrial town in communist Czechoslovakia. (Image: Viktor Kolar/Monovisions)

The history of the Cold War has a rich scholarship. The field encompasses International Relations studies, economic history, and, increasingly, cultural approaches, exploring the imprint of the conflict on art, film, and everyday life. Interest in books on the Cold War will likely increase this year as we approach the thirtieth anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union. And while narrative histories of high politics and culture no doubt assist in improving our understanding of the Cold War, the works which will be most important as we reflect on the conflict’s legacy are those dealing explicitly with the psychology and human impact of the Cold War. With the rise of China and continuing instability following the COVID-19 pandemic leading to repeated suggestions of the potential for a Second Cold War, most important in our engagement with the Cold War is appreciating the human mindsets which created that conflict, and those which it created amongst people in turn. We need to ask ourselves what led the world to be so divided for nearly half a century, and then how to avoid the same happening again.

Interrogating this aspect of Cold War history is indeed difficult and few authors truly succeed in illustrating the psychology of the era without resorting to cliche. The Cold War was a conflict defined by high politics and domineering ideologies of capitalism versus communism. Writers, especially academics, have found it hard to move beyond these abstractions to capture the human experience of the Cold War.

In this regard, it has been authors of fiction who have often been more successful. The works of the late great John le Carré endure in the popular imagination as among the most defining portraits of the moral compromises forced on individuals by the ideological restraints of the Cold War. Meanwhile, Francis Spufford’s fact-based novel, Red Plenty, gives insight into how Soviet citizens genuinely began to believe that communism’s material promises would be realised under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev (1956-64). In writing Red Plenty, Spufford, himself acknowledged the difficulties non-fiction authors face in trying to capture the essence of the Cold War’s ideas and their impact on people. He explains how his initial attempts to tell the tale of Red Plenty as a piece of non-fiction fell short and demanded he shift the book to the ‘border between fiction and non-fiction.’

Other Cold War authors, meanwhile, have successfully managed to bridge this gap between storytelling and fact while remaining truer to the latter. Among the most significant are Anna Funder, principally for her renowned book Stasiland, and the 2015 Nobel Literature Laureate, Svetlana Alexievich. These two authors are already widely acclaimed but it feels necessary to revisit their work as we approach the thirtieth anniversary of the end of the USSR, as they capture better than most the human impact of the Cold War, especially east of the Iron Curtain.

Funder’s brilliant Stasiland has been described variously as a personal history and a ‘journalist’s first-person narrative’ that can ‘read like a novel’. The book, through a series interviews intertwined with Funder’s own narrative, captures how the state ideology of the German Democratic Republic created an alternate, corrupt moral reality for its subjects and those who defended it: the notorious Ministry for State Security or Stasi. Funder, however, is not exclusively condemnatory of the former watchmen of state socialism. Her interviews are occasionally sympathetic with former Stasi employees, though without ever failing to address the violations they committed. On the other hand, Funder gives voice to those who resisted the regime and put themselves in extreme danger in desperate attempts to escape to the West. Funder’s main achievement is to shine a light on a society where ideology reigned supreme in a way it rarely does now, while still keeping the human experience firmly at the forefront of her prose.

Alexievich’s works, meanwhile, are less about how people were driven to extremes by ideology, and more about the everyday lives continuing in spite of or in accommodation with ideology. Alexievich’s method sees her conduct interviews with hundreds of witnesses to life in the USSR, focusing on formative events like the Great Patriotic War (1941-45), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (1979-89), the Chernobyl Disaster (1986), and the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991). Her excellent Secondhand Time tells the story of the end of communism in the USSR and the responses of its citizens. Alexievich lets her subjects speak for themselves, sympathising with them. What emerges is a portrait of how the Soviet people inhabited a distinct culture of their own in the USSR and that while the political reality of the Soviet Union may have ended in 1991, left behind were millions of Homo-Sovieticus traumatised by the sudden collapse of their generations-old everyday reality.   

If history is about authentically recreating the unique conditions of an era or culture, both Funder’s and Alexievich’s books stand as among the most accomplished studies of the Cold War, even though neither author may be exclusively considered a historian; two other worthy examples are Donald J. Raleigh’s Soviet Baby Boomers and Bridgett Kendall’s The Cold War. Furthermore, both women’s books hold relevance in understanding pertinent contemporary issues in international politics, especially Putin’s Russia and the historical factors which drive Russian foreign policy. 

Modern Russia cannot be understood without an appreciation of the impact on Russian leaders of the loss of superpower status conferred by the USSR’s collapse. Nor can the contemporary rise of the far-right in the east of Germany be understood without knowledge of East German history. Throughout the 2010s, and now in the first years of the 2020s, observers have continued to speculate whether we have entered a new Cold War-style period of international relations. Understanding the human experience of the original Cold War seems a more important exercise than ever as we prepare ourselves for the new era, whatever it brings, and Funder and Alexievich offer the best place to start.

 

James Brown is a PhD candidate in history at Northumbria University. His focus is on Soviet dissidents and their use in the politics and international relations of the Cold War. He previously studied at Glasgow University, doing a Master’s in East European, Russian, and Eurasian studies. During this time he studied Russian and wrote his thesis, ‘Returning to Machiavelli: Giving Belarus-Russia relations the Original Realist Treatment’, which received the prize for best dissertation from the Centre for East European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at Glasgow.

At Northumbria, he is a member of several research groups, including the Conflict & Society and Histories of Activism groups. James also has a keen interest in literature, especially Czech writers, and had a poem on Jan Palach published in Edge Magazine. Additionally, he remains interested in the Chernobyl disaster, on which he wrote his undergraduate thesis, ‘A Long Half-Life: Responses to Chernobyl in Soviet and Post-Soviet Society’.

Filed Under: Uncategorized Tagged With: Cold War, Fiction, historical commentary, Russia, United States, USSR

Game of Thrones and the Limitations of Narratives

June 10, 2019 by Thomas Colley

by Thomas Colley

11 June 2019

WARNING: This article contains spoilers.

Dubrovnik, the Croatian city that features as the fictional King’s Landing, the capital of Games of Thrones’ Seven Kingdoms.

Like millions of others, I have been contemplating the end of Game of Thrones. Being unable to stay awake until 2am UK time to watch episodes live, I have relied on pre-recording them to watch on subsequent days. It is remarkably difficult not to come across a ‘spoiler’ in between. Article headlines designed to be cryptic reveal more than the author intended. As a narrative researcher, more striking is the sheer quantity of commentary on the plotline of the series and what it should or should not be. This commentary reveals much about the significance of narrative in human communication, but also its limits when used as a political instrument.

Fiction draws inspiration from everyday life. In turn, international politics researchers are increasingly drawing lessons from fiction. Security studies scholars emphasise the value of studying Buffy the Vampire Slayer. The Star Wars and Star Trek franchises are promoted as useful teaching tools for students of international relations. Suggesting that lessons can be learnt from Game of Thrones is not novel. The mountain of commentary across media outlets, blogs and social media  reveals aphorisms: ‘power corrupts’, ‘war is hell’, ‘imposing liberty through force ends poorly’.

I generally assume that my narrative research does not interest the broader public. It is therefore surprising to observe that millions of people appear obsessed with whether the plot construction of an entertainment product meets their expectations. Some may see this as reflecting an entitled society when citizens demand to be told a certain story in a certain way. Can’t entertainers just tell whatever stories they like? Or since viewers are customers, maybe they have the right to be told certain stories? Leaving this aside, and looking closer, the contention over the plot of Game of Thrones, and the fate of its characters, reveals much about how humans interact in the ‘narrative age’ in which we supposedly live.

Politicians and militaries continue to emphasise the importance of communicating ‘strategic narratives’ –storylines that explain one’s actions to relevant audiences. Elites construct, audiences receive and hopefully internalise a story if it reflects their existing beliefs. We are told that narratives are the key to contemporary war, that they have unique persuasive power, that they can be ‘weaponised’ to win ‘battles of the narratives’ and ‘wars of ideas’, or that they are the key factor in human evolution. Technical construction of the right collection of words is supposedly the key to persuasion, be it convincing citizens to accept regime change or to rebel against it.

That audiences contest narratives is recognised, but receives far less research attention. Little research examines how ordinary citizens contest the strategic narratives they encounter. What is striking about the Game of Thrones commentary is the strength of feeling with which people challenge the narrative in an entertainment product. Over a million people petitioning for a series to be rewritten is astonishing. It is also remarkable how sensitive people are to narrative incoherence – when the plot of a story doesn’t quite hang together. Most complaints seem to centre on this not being convincing, largely because it happened too fast. Observers counter by saying that signs could have been spotted throughout the eight series – notably the Targaryan Queen’s willingness to execute opponents by burning them to death with her dragons. However, a counterclaim can be made that some may be committing the teleological fallacy by reading those past events as an inevitable path towards the present. It is doubtful that hundreds of people would have named their babies ‘Khaleesi’ or ‘Daenerys’ were this the case.[2] People rarely name their children after those they perceive as tyrants.

Wherever one stands – or if one just does not care and is happy to be entertained – this shows how intuitive and strong everyday citizens’ understanding of narratives is. This is a point rarely acknowledged when narratives are discussed as political instruments. Citizens have been fed on stories from birth – this is why some claim narratives to be the most natural form of communication. They are highly sensitive to narratives that don’t seem to fit together. They bring with them expectations of how stories usually (or should) play out – and these are intuitive, and hard to counter. The familiar plotline many Afghan citizens have when confronting a foreign occupier trying to impose a system of government on them is of resistance and the outsider’s eventual defeat.

Indeed, the plotline of Game of Thrones Season 8 will appear to many as a crude analogy of recent Western conflicts in reverse. Daenerys Targaryen arrives in the Western continent (Westeros) with an army from the eastern continent (Essos) of ‘Unsullied’ former slaves and Mongol-esque ‘Dothraki’ hordes. These are visibly and culturally distinct from the local Westerosi population. They resemble white Westerners, whose militaries would not look out of place in medieval Europe. Daenarys is a foreign invader but she has benign intentions of freeing populations from tyranny. However, the population appears hostile to her and her visibly and culturally alien forces. Locals have also been primed by domestic propaganda to fear the foreign invaders. This is grounded in centuries of oral tradition, whereby children have been taught to fear the invading hordes from the East. Daenerys, apparently unable to win over the population and frustrated by numerous setbacks, incinerates thousands of them instead. This transformation, and the speed at which her ‘character arc’ changes, is a major source of complaints about the series.

Personally, I can scarcely recall a clearer illustration that narration is a negotiation between narrator and audience. Moreover, that before one even begins to construct political communication, it is imperative to identify first the narrative understandings and expectations of target audiences. Too often this is forgotten.

What makes the response to Game of Thrones different from how political narratives are interpreted is the level of emotional investment in the audience. Like many others watching Game of Thrones, I have experienced physiological responses when viewing it. I have felt excitement when the side I support wins a battle when defeat looked more likely. I have felt anxiety, disappointment and frustration when, as is common in the series, one’s favourite characters are wiped out, almost provocatively. No doubt much of the outcry about Daenarys Targaryen’s fall from grace is that so many have become extremely attached to her. The idea that narratives persuade through achieving emotional identification with their characters – typically heroes – is a key aspect of why political actors think they are uniquely persuasive. The power of narrative to move people emotionally can be experienced when one finds oneself experiencing contradictory impulses to find out what happens in advance – hence the sheer volume of predictions and spoilers online – but also not wanting not have the surprise ruined.

The emotive response to how characters are treated in Game of Thrones illustrates the power of narrative to engage and persuade. Unfortunately, this level of emotional engagement in a character’s development – for many Game of Thrones characters from childhood to adulthood – is not accessible to today’s politicians. Political communicators today extol the power of narrative, but communication in the digital age takes the form of soundbites, catchphrases, tweets, slogans, that at best allude to a broader narrative rather than immersing the audience in it. This fragmented, piecemeal approach does not come close to the emotional engagement needed to make narratives as compelling as many think they are today. Even when narrated coherently, it will typically be by a politician whose credibility as a speaker is limited before they open their mouth. Certainly strategic narratives can engage people emotionally – calls to ‘Make Westeros Great Again’ perhaps – but the sustained emotional immersion that leads people to chain watch half a series at a time is largely inaccessible to contemporary politicians. Audiences have fleeting attention spans between different platforms and products, and many of whom veer towards disengagement, indifference and distrust rather than emotional investment.

Commentary about Game of Thrones reflects the pre-existing understandings and expectations audiences bring to the story – myself included. Personally I have scarcely been so engrossed in a cultural product, whatever its flaws and fantasies. Maybe the plot has unfolded too fast, or certain narrative arcs are more or less credible. Though surely it is important to suspend disbelief in a world of dragons, where the apparent winners in the ‘Game of Thrones’ have done so partly due to the coincidental development of superpowers including reincarnation, the ability to see the future, and the ability to impersonate anyone at will.  Tying off political drama is difficult, however fantastic, because politics never ends.  What matters more, reflecting on my limited experience as a narrative researcher, is that Game of Thrones shows what is theoretically possible with compelling storytelling, but how inaccessible this is in contemporary politics.


Dr Thomas Colley is a Teaching Fellow in War Studies, King’s College London.


[1] See for instance Harari, Yuval Noah. Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. London: Harvill Secker, 2014; Patrikarakos, David. War in 140 Characters: How Social Media Is Reshaping Conflict in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Basic Books, 2017; Simpson, Emile. War from the Ground up: Twenty-First Century Combat as Politics. London: Hurst, 2012.

[2] ‘Game of Thrones: Parents who named their children Khaleesi respond to Daenerys becoming the Mad Queen’, https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/tv/news/game-of-thrones-khaleesi-daenerys-children-name-season-8-mad-queen-a8913046.html, accessed 24 May 2019.

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Action, Fiction, Game of Thrones, GoT, Khaleesi, King's Landing, Narratives, Thomas Colley

Footer

Contact

The Strife Blog & Journal

King’s College London
Department of War Studies
Strand Campus
London
WC2R 2LS
United Kingdom

blog@strifeblog.org

 

Recent Posts

  • Climate-Change and Conflict Prevention: Integrating Climate and Conflict Early Warning Systems
  • Preventing Coup d’Étas: Lessons on Coup-Proofing from Gabon
  • The Struggle for National Memory in Contemporary Nigeria
  • How UN Support for Insider Mediation Could Be a Breakthrough in the Kivu Conflict
  • Strife Series: Modern Conflict & Atrocity Prevention in Africa – Introduction

Tags

Afghanistan Africa Brexit China Climate Change conflict counterterrorism COVID-19 Cybersecurity Cyber Security Diplomacy Donald Trump drones Elections EU feature France India intelligence Iran Iraq ISIL ISIS Israel ma Myanmar NATO North Korea nuclear Pakistan Politics Russia security strategy Strife series Syria terrorism Turkey UK Ukraine United States us USA women Yemen

Licensed under Creative Commons (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivatives) | Proudly powered by Wordpress & the Genesis Framework