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Can a Tropical Bird Take the Jungles of Colombia out of the ‘Conflict Trap’?

December 16, 2020 by Andrés Felipe Gómez González

by Andrés Felipe Gómez González

The guianan cock-of-the-rock, endemic to the tropical rainforests of northern South America, abounds in the jungles of Guaviare. (Image credit: Almir Cândido de Almeida)

Well, not only the bird. A pink river, mysterious parietal paintings, and bizarre rock formations may also hold the key towards establishing peace in one of the most conflict-ridden areas of Colombia. In recent years, the people of northern Guaviare – ‘the door’ to the Amazon jungle in Southern Colombia – realised that these treasures, hidden deep in the jungle, can provide a better living than growing coca. However, this story is not just about a group of farmers turning their back on violence-fuelling illicit trade to embrace an alternative source of income; it is also a story of how to re-imagine a territory. Small-scale solutions lead the way to peaceful coexistence in conflict-affected areas.

The drug trade continues as one of the main sources of funding of the illegal armed groups in Colombia. Some regions have even seen an increase in production after the demobilisation of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC)—Colombia’s biggest guerrilla group and the subsequent emergence of fragmented armed groups led by ex FARC warlords. This trend reinforces the idea that Colombia has fallen into what Collier & Sambanis coined as the ´conflict trap´ in their article ‘Understanding Civil War: A New Agenda’ (2002), a situation in which war tends to prolong itself by aggravating the political and economic conditions that caused the war. But Guaviare -once Colombia’s main coca producer region- tells a different story as the hectares with coca continues to drop and its inhabitants leave violence behind. Why is this happening? Although this article cannot cover all the possible explanations, it focuses on the lessons that the story of these farmers provides to policymakers looking at how to break the ‘conflict trap’ in other cases.

A window of opportunity in a land of trouble

Originally inhabited by the pre-Columbian Nukak indigenous group, Guaviare was one of the regions colonised during the Amazon rubber boom of the 1910s and 1940s. Many families migrated from the centre of the country, seeking fast revenue and adventure. Nevertheless, the ‘rubber fever’ ended quickly, leaving the new inhabitants of Guaviare alone in an immense rainforest difficult to conquer. A new era of colonisation came in the late XX Century with the boom of cocaine. The population of Guaviare grew exponentially as colonisers migrated from other impoverished regions attracted by the coca revenues.  Following the new wave of colonisers, this territory started growing almost thirty thousand hectares of coca per year.

Cave paintings of ‘Cerro Azul’ (Image credit: Author’s own, A.G.)

Without the strong presence of the State, the region fell into the hands of drug traffickers and the FARC guerrilla group. Under their presence, growing coca was not only about earning revenue but also a matter of survival. Those who refused to risked being hunted down by the new rulers of the territory. New generations grew up having to choose between growing coca – like their parents – or joining the FARC. According to Colombia’s Victims Unit, the conflict in Guaviare has had more than 93,000 victims since 1985, with more than 83,000 displaced and 6,612 dead. In just a couple of decades, the region had fallen into what Collier & Sambanis call the ´conflict trap´ as the political and economic outcomes of the conflict were aggravating it.

The river ‘Caño Sabana’ (Image credit: Author’s own, A.G.)

Several government-led efforts to break the relationship between coca and the communities failed, as forced eradication carried out by the Army caused serious collateral damage and aerial aspersion of glyphosate was suspended by a judicial order due to the potential risk on the health of the inhabitants. Additionally, the geographical location of Guaviare imposed legal, environmental, and economic restraints on the viability of other crops to replace coca. None of these crops could match the level of profit that coca provided. The introduction of cattle to the region has reduced the farmers’ dependence on coca by generating a decent source of income, but deforestation has caused more droughts and a loss of biodiversity that now threatens the stable income flow of the cattle-ranchers.

Fortunately, the signing of the peace treaty with FARC in 2016 opened new opportunities for Guaviare. The demobilisation of more than five hundred guerrilla fighters, as well as the government’s initiatives for the collective elaboration of local development plans, momentarily allowed the people of Guaviare to re-think their territory in ways they have not done before. Suddenly, the lush jungles that for decades hid the laboratories that produced cocaine, were seen as potential ecotourist attractions. Guaviare, which had been tagged as a ‘no go red zone,’ was now attracting birdwatchers, in the search of the Rupicola rupicola (the bird pictured above), and backpackers. Between 2016 and 2019, the arrival of passengers to the airport in Guaviare increased by 247%; and some of the operators of the main tourist attractions reported that the number of visitors had grown by at least ten times over the past few years.

However, not all guerrillas demobilised, and at least 150 men remained in arms in Guaviare when the rest of the FARC demobilised and regrouped into one of the so-called ‘dissident groups’. Since then, they have expanded their control over more territory in the area and continue to traffic drugs.  However, while cocaine production has increased in other Colombian regions under the control of other dissident groups and criminal organisations, the data from Guaviare offers a more optimistic vision as hectares with coca have dropped some fifty-four per cent between 2016 and 2019. This is where this little bird comes into play.

Re-thinking the jungle and the communities

Transitioning from coca to ecotourism has involved a deep paradigm shift for the communities in Guaviare. Most of the inhabitants saw the rainforest as an obstacle to progress, and thousands of hectares were chopped down to plant coca or to introduce cattle. But now, local leaders in Guaviare -particularly in the area of the ´Serranía de la Lindosa´- have taken action to promote more sustainable exploitation of the forests that were once under the control of the FARC. Former coca farmers from communities surrounding the emerging touristic hotspots have created cooperative associations and turned themselves into tourist guides. Their services include taking the tourists to look for the bird, to see the cave paintings, and to take a dip in the river where the plant Macarenia clavigera dyes the water pink. By creating this association, its members have been able to involve their community and assure that everyone benefits from the new trade.

´Don Segundo´ is in the process of turning his coca and cattle farm into an ecological reservation where a 27 metres-tall waterfall is the main tourist attraction. (Image credit: @mateoah)

In a joint effort with Colombian universities and NGOs, local leaders are trying to replicate their success in neighbouring communities. This positive spill-over effect is likely to reduce conflict in the area. It will also have positive implications for local environmental sustainability and reducing greenhouse emissions.  Farmers have learnt that conservation is an essential component of ecotourism, and universities are getting the chance to study the ecology of a previously inaccessible area of rainforest.

The local dissident group’s effort to reclaim the area to grow coca or take control of the booming tourism industry has not prospered: they now face an organised community that is more likely to resist and generate a sustainable income from the forests they used to chop down. For the moment, the efforts of the inhabitants of the ‘Serranía de la Lindosa’ are taking their region on the road towards a more stable peace by breaking with the illegal business that fuelled the worst tragedies of the past. Their enterprise is now creating a more optimistic future for the new generations that, otherwise, would have fallen in the hands of the guerrillas.

Lessons from Guaviare

The positive experience in Guaviare has caught the attention of international donors, think tanks, and journalists in the search for policies that allow Colombia to overcome decades of drug-related violence. Although these changes are still in the early stages, some lessons can be learnt about how to break a ‘conflict trap’, where a region is mired in persistent and entrenched violence:

  1. Local context matters: There is no ‘silver bullet’ in the fight against coca production. The Colombian government has failed to achieve a lasting reduction of hectares of coca through national policies like aerial aspersion. This case shows that the identification of small-scale opportunities in a local area in Northern Guaviare and the presence of potential ecotourist biodiverse hotspots- can be more successful in generating alternative income for farmers linked with coca production. Policymakers who ignore the local context will fail to implement the economic and political measures appropriate for that community and will miss the opportunity to break the ‘conflict trap’.
  2. Communities should be at the centre of the solution: While policymakers arriving from Bogota had failed to impose centrally designed crop substitution plans and convince farmers to drop out from coca cultivation, the direct relationship of local leaders with their communities has been a fundamental motivator of change. Efforts to eradicate coca that incorporate a bottom-up building perspective may be more successful.
  3. Sustainability as a key element: Previous efforts to substitute coca that only considered short-term monetary incentives (e.g., introducing crops that generate as much revenue to the farmers) were implicated in environmental damage. Although the current pandemic has caused tourist numbers to plummet temporarily, it is likely that ecotourism plans in Guaviare will be longer-lasting and generate a more stable income for former coca farmers than other non-sustainable businesses.

While the demobilisation of the FARC has not ended the drug trade or armed violence in Colombia, small experiences like this one in Guaviare offer a glimmer of hope. Local, small-scale initiatives such as in Guaviare, are bringing peace to communities that once suffered the burden of war. They are breaking the perverse incentives that fuelled conflict in their territories. However, the story is not over yet. The successful implementation of these farmers’ plans still requires overcoming several challenges that cannot be fully covered here. Additionally, this initiative by no means tackles all the causes of the Colombian armed conflict, some of which will require different types of interventions. However, it already offers valuable lessons for those concerned in breaking the ‘conflict trap’ in historically neglected territories.


Andrés Gómez, a PG student at King’s College London is currently reading for his MA in International Conflict Studies.

Filed Under: Blog Article, Feature Tagged With: Amazon Forest, Andrés Felipe Gómez González, colombia, conflict, drugs, Jungle, Nature

In the Line of Fire: A Conversation with Photojournalist Fabiola Ferrero

March 1, 2019 by Atina Dimitrova

By Atina Dimitrova

1 March 2019 

A female security officer holds her shield after a man kicked her repeatedly on an opposition demonstration in Caracas on April 2st, 2017. (Fabiola Ferrero)

 

Caracas-born photojournalist Fabiola Ferrero talks to Atina Dimitrova about her dangerous career and how she deals with documenting tragedy.

 

As fifteen guerrillas surrounded her and forced her to hand over her protective vest, gas mask, helmet and camera equipment, Fabiola Ferrero tried to block the anxiety from her mind. Her attempts to remain calm failed after ten minutes, when she started feeling angry instead. Despite that incident in her home country Venezuela in 2017, Fabiola continued covering the anti-government protests there. Because of her determination to report, the facts prevailed.

Fabiola Ferrero has spent her career uncovering the truth, despite the danger she faces to do so. (Alejandro Cremades)

A freelance photojournalist who grew up in Caracas, one of the deadliest capital cities in the world, Fabiola, 27, says, ‘These types of situations happen often here. I was ten years old the first time somebody pointed a gun at me during one of the conflicts here.’

Staring into space as if trying to collect her memories, Fabiola shares her stories from Caracas over Skype. The distance between her and me in London is about 7,500km. She explains that threats delivered to journalists and citizens are common. ‘My goal is to bring to light the dynamics of Latin America and how we behave in hostile conditions,’ says Fabiola. ‘I want to help the others understand how we manage to live under circumstances which are completely against us.’

Fabiola’s life in Venezuela was marked by violence and social injustice, which she started reporting on in her youth. She says that journalists are sometimes attacked just outside their homes by armed groups. ‘I don’t have any friends in the country. They all left,’ she says slowly. ‘The biggest diaspora of our history is happening right now. Almost two million people have left since Hugo Chávez took power in 1999.’ She takes a long pause. ‘My family left as well.’

Her voice trembles. But Fabiola is proud to continue covering the conflict for international news outlets such as the BBC, The Wall Street Journal, and Bloomberg. She does not want to let events go unreported in South America or on other continents, as she believes that every individual story symbolises the universality of pain. ‘When you face tragedy, it tells you all what it is to be a human,’ she says.

Two members of the militia, a ‘defense group’ created by late President Hugo Chávez, during the commemoration of the third year anniversary of his death, on March 5th, 2017. Even though the country is going through a severe food crisis, the defense and military budget is 9 times the food budget. (Fabiola Ferrero)

She has explored how communities react to violence for both national and international audiences since 2015. Fabiola collects people’s anecdotes on her camera, and some of these stories have been part of group exhibitions in the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Venezuela.

‘I need to accept the fact that I can’t always detach myself and that I don’t own the truth. I can only try to be as honest as I can,’ she says. A TV news bulletin in Spanish is playing in the background in her home in Caracas, as Fabiola explains the complexity of the conflict and the numerous ways in which it could be interpreted.

She learnt the secrets of her craft at the Caracas-based Andrés Bello Catholic University while obtaining her journalism degree. ‘You could be inspired by your professors and you could learn a lot from reading, but no one in a classroom could teach you how to react when somebody tells you that they’re going to kill you by the end of the day. The only way to learn is going to the streets and reporting.’

What she describes did in fact happen to Fabiola when she was working on a story for The Wall Street Journal. The piece was about 100,000 illegal miners and armed gangs in Venezuela. They were believed to be paying local military commanders for protection and gasoline supplies. During this mission, armed men who were taking care of Fabiola and her colleagues made a joke that they were going to show them in the gold mines and then throw the team into a lagoon by the end of the afternoon. Fabiola acknowledged that it was a possible scenario. She tried to stay as focused as possible in order to take powerful photos of the mines regardless of what was about to happen. And she was glad that what the armed men said proved to be a trick to scare her and that her team was not in danger.

Angel plays on the table while he eats jelly as part of his treatment for cancer. He travels every two weeks from his home town San Cristóbal (close to the Colombian border) to the Capital, Caracas. It is a 14-hour trip by bus at night, so he can get chemo. There is an estimated 85% of medicine shortage in the country. (Fabiola Ferrero)

Despite the difficulties she has faced in her career, Fabiola’s face radiates so much determination. She is also proud to have worked on a story about a five-year-old child in Venezuela who has cancer. Every two weeks the family has to make a 14-hour bus journey from their home town, San Cristóbal, near the Colombian border, to Caracas for the child to receive chemotherapy. Fabiola covered the story for Yahoo News to raise awareness of the severe medicine shortage in Venezuela. ‘Those types of stories are hard to work on,’ adds Fabiola. ‘I have to try really hard not to absorb people’s sadness as my own. I sometimes just get so involved with people when I photograph them, so when I get home I’m completely drained and sad.’

One such difficult period made her leave Venezuela in 2016 for almost a year. Fabiola went to Spain where her brother lives, and she tried to clear her mind from all the unpleasant experiences she had in Venezuela. While abroad, she decided to publish a photobook, called Oblivion. ‘I did it to heal myself; to be completely away from photojournalism,’ says Fabiola.

Men get together to celebrate with guns the ‘second funeral’ of their loved ones. The second funeral is a ritual the Wayuu indigenous community makes 10 years after a family member is buried. They take out the bones from the grave, clean them, and bury them again in a more personal place, so he can finally go to ‘Jepirra’, the Wayuu’s sacred place. Located in the Guajira desert, in the border between Venezuela and Colombia. (Fabiola Ferrero)

But the passion to explore the psychological consequences of crisis in Latin America recently prompted Fabiola to go back to Venezuela. She is now also photographing communities in Colombia that are completely forgotten by the state. Fabiola shows how people try to live normally during conflicts that have lasted for five decades. ‘It’s very difficult to believe that the reality will change because of our pictures,’ says Fabiola. ‘But there are ways to work directly with communities to help them question their identity and create self-image. Hopefully in the future I’ll do more reporting on that and expand my work throughout Latin America. I don’t know about legacy. But hopefully I’ll improve some people’s lives.’

The time is ticking away. There are twenty minutes left before Fabiola has to go on her next assignment. She risks her life to promote change. Armed with her camera and strong inner values, Fabiola nibbles a chocolate bar and gets ready to go. While rubbing her eyes — she is sleep-deprived again — she concludes, ‘I want to use photography to heal others with my work.’

 



Atina is an MA International Relations student at King’s College London. She is also a freelance social media editor at MailOnline and a freelance broadcast journalist at the BBC. She is the author of two novels and has work experience across a range of media outlets, such as The Guardian and News UK. You can follow her on Twitter @atinadimitrova1. 


All photos have been published here with the permission of the photographer. 

Filed Under: Blog Article, Interview Tagged With: Caracas, colombia, Fabiola Ferrero, journalism, photojournalism, Venezuela

Privatising Peace: The Plight of Rural Communities in a Post-Peace Agreement Colombia

October 26, 2018 by Laura Knöpfel

By Laura Knöpfel 

26 October 2018

In 2016, following the Peace Agreement, Colombian legislation encouraged private corporations to invest in infrastructure projects in rural communities. (Image credit: Construcción Pan-Americana)

 

In November 2016, the Colombian president and representatives of FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo), the then largest  guerrilla group of the country, signed a peace agreement to end the decades long war. The war particularly affected rural communities, some of which had been forcefully displaced several times. In its 2017 year-end report on Colombia, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimated that 7.6 million people had been internally displaced persons (IDPs). The number of IDPs was the highest compared to any other country (including Syria) and amounted to 15 percent of the population. Notwithstanding the concluded peace deal, 75,000 people were newly displaced in 2017. In addition to forced displacements, rural communities had been severely impacted by the economic and regulatory presence of non-state actors such as the FARC, as well as paramilitary groups. Consistently, the peace agreement emphasises the participation of communities in rural development programmes. As this blog post will argue, post-peace agreement legislation on infrastructure development has ignored the peace agreement’s emphasis on community participation to the benefit of private corporations. Problematically, the privatisation and commercialisation of peace might lead to the continuing presence of non-state actors, this time, however, in the form of corporations.

The peace agreement’s participatory approach to rural development

Considering the conflict’s devastating impact on rural communities, it is only logical that the Colombian Peace Agreement of 2016 introduces in its first chapter a comprehensive rural reform which brings citizen participation to the fore. In specific, the subchapters on infrastructure and land improvement provide for communities’ active participation in the “prioritisation, implementation, monitoring and maintenance” of infrastructure projects. Further, the agreement envisages fast-track infrastructure projects for communities that suffered under the cultivation and trade of illicit drugs. They themselves should evaluate their needs and then prioritise the projects accordingly.

The state’s role would consist of providing technical assistance to and promoting the organisational capabilities of the communities. In the same manner, all the subchapters within the first part of the peace agreement on rural reform integrate the active participation of communities as a guarantee for transparency, citizen oversight and accountability. Infrastructure projects especially should only proceed in cooperation with the intended beneficiaries of the investment: the rural communities. Such a participatory approach is to be applauded.

Problematic privatisations within the implementation of the peace agreement

Embedded within post-peace legislation on infrastructure development in rural areas is the tax reform of December 2016. Section XI of Law 1819 of 2016 introduces two tax incentives for private corporations with the aim to attract investment into those rural communities that have been most affected by the conflict. Those specific communities belong to the 344 municipalities which the Ministry of Finance, the National Planning Department, and the Territorial Renewal Agency had defined as ‘ZOMAC’ (‘zonas más afectadas por el conflicto armado’). The more important of the two tax incentives is called ‘obras por impuestos,’ which could be translated as ‘public work for taxes.’ The second incentive consists of a progressive rate taxation, which severely reduces the income tax for companies that newly establish themselves in the ZOMAC communities.

Under the ‘obras por impuestos’ programme, companies with a gross income equal to or greater than 33,610 tax value units (in 2017 one tax value unit amounted to 31,859 Colombian Pesos[1]) can choose to invest in local infrastructure projects within ZOMAC communities, thereby receiving tax exemptions. The corporations can deduct the sum of investment from their annual income and revenue taxes. In this way, they can directly invest 50 percent of the amount of taxes owed into rural infrastructure projects. The corporations do not only invest but are responsible for all stages of the projects, from planning to maintenance. The executive branch of the affected municipalities can suggest projects which are then listed in an online registry. However, corporations themselves can also propose projects that they would like to sponsor. The projects must be approved by the Territorial Renewal Agency and the National Planning Department. The first round of projects and corporations was chosen in 2017. Thirty companies will invest COL$220.6 billion into 23 projects located in 25 municipalities in 12 different Colombian departments.

Lack of rural communities’ participation

Strikingly, Decree 1915 of 2017, which implements the tax reforms, is silent about active community participation in the infrastructure projects.  The tax programme’s mode of operation excludes the intended local beneficiaries. The neglect of communities’ active involvement in the development of their own region stands in stark contrast to the participatory image painted in the first chapter of the peace agreement. Worryingly, the state has externalised its public function without securing the active participation of the people that had been affected by the conflict and will be impacted by the investments. In the first round of projects, the chosen corporations will invest not only invest into roads (COL$142.1 billion) but also into education (COL$20.1 billion), drinking water and sewerage systems (COL$46.9 billion) and energy infrastructure (COL$11.5 billion).[2] The majority of the corporations chosen in the first round are active in the mining sector. As mining companies, it is at least questionable whether they have particular competences in the construction of roads, education, water and sewage facilities. The Colombian state does therefore not expect the private companies to implement the listed infrastructure project by themselves. Rather, they are allowed to contract third-party operators. The contract between the chosen companies and the third parties are of a private nature.

Contrary to the corporations that successfully proposed an infrastructure project, the third-party operators are not listed on the online registry. Their identity is unknown until they actually appear in the communities to execute the project. The constituting characteristic of the ZOMAC municipalities is how, in the past, they were affected by the armed, economic and regulatory presence of private entities. During decades, non-state actors fulfilled public functions which will most likely again be the case under the ‘obras por impuestos’ programme. The hope remains that the tax programmes are implemented in a way that is consistent with the participatory approach as promised by the peace agreement.


Laura Knöpfel is a Research Fellow and PhD candidate at the Transnational Law Institute of King’s College London. For her thesis on human rights accountability in the extractive industry, she spent several months in the Northern mining region of Colombia. 


[1] As of 23rd October 2018, 1 US Dollar is 3,086 Colombian Pesos.

[2] Editor’s note: These figures have been rounded to the nearest tenth.


Image source: https://www.construccion-pa.com/noticias/colombia-anuncio-primeros-proyectos-obras-impuestos/

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: colombia, Colombian Peace Agreement, community involvement, internally displaced persons

Beyond the peace deal: defending human rights in “post-conflict” Colombia

November 30, 2016 by Felix Manig

By: Felix Manig

A demonstrator holds the Colombian flag during a march against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in Bogota.
A demonstrator holds the Colombian flag during a march against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in Bogota.

On November 24, the Colombian state and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) signed a historic peace agreement in a display of political maturity and determination. Despite the initial ‘No’ vote and consequent rejection of a peace agreement by the public in October, the two sides quickly put forward the amended record which is hoped to address critics’ prior concerns. While the revised peace deal represents a second and real opportunity to begin a formal process to bring the 52-year internal armed conflict to an end, local human rights defenders (HRDs) remain wary of their future amidst rising violence against them and fear that the international community will soon lose interest in Colombia once it is officially perceived ‘post-conflict.’

Irrespective of the attempts toward national peace, Colombian HRDs, such as lawyers or individuals focused on addressing political, civil, social or economic rights, are currently experiencing some of the most severe violence in the country’s civil war. Within the first six months of this year, 35 HRDs working to defend Colombia’s most vulnerable populations were murdered. The 2015 Annual Report of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Colombia registered the murder of 63 HRDs – figures surpassing the national average of the last 20 years – and noted the near total impunity for these crimes. Most attacks and killings of HRDs target those working to obtain justice for human rights violations, as well as individuals addressing land conflicts and mining disputes, or peace activists within the social and political leadership of Colombia. As the work of these brave individuals represents a key pillar for democratisation and sustainable peace in the country, the latest development attests both a failure of the state to ensure that HRDs can conduct their legitimate work safely, and offers a deep insight into the nature of Colombia’s instability and future challenges.

It initially appears paradoxical to witness such a dramatic increase in violence against HRDs in a country vowing to end its civil war and moving toward reconciliation between its warring factions. However, United Nations toolkits and manuals for peacebuilding missions have long noted a frequent increase in human rights violations in post-conflict contexts as institutions and the rule of law remain in disarray. While these observations certainly hold true for Colombia, there are other worrying factors for local HRDs which are to some extend overlooked by international observers. According to the advocacy project ABColombia, it’s not necessarily the government or the Marxist FARC which are responsible for the majority of attacks and murders of HRDs but rather far-right post-demobilised paramilitary groups (PDPGs). These groups, which are often tied to the illicit drug trade in the country and target communities in areas of economic interest, are currently deemed responsible for 80 percent of all killings in the country, as well as for about two-thirds of all violence against HRDs. As PDPGs are neither adequately involved, nor sufficiently addressed in the ongoing peace negotiations, the key implication is that violence against HRDs will not end once the deal is signed and ratified. The biggest danger to the work and lives of HRDs will thus remain unaddressed.

The logical concern for HRDs is that once President Juan Manuel Santos and FARC-commander Timóleon Jiménez implement the new peace deal, which this time will only be voted on in Congress where Santos’ party holds a solid majority, the international community and important donors will lose sight of Colombia’s conflict and the fate of HRDs, falsely believing the country is now ‘post-conflict’. In turn, this outcome would directly translate into a worse security situation for HRDs and make it both significantly more difficult to draw attention to human rights violations and harder to attract international support and funding for their work. Susi Bascon, director at the UK-branch of Peace Brigades International, an NGO promoting the work of HRDs and offering protective accompaniment to them in Colombia, shares this worry and states it is now more important than ever to advocate on behalf of Colombian HRDs and publicise their continued persecution. The International Caravana of Jurists, another initiative in the United Kingdom which offers support to human rights lawyers in Colombia, equally calls for renewed vigilance and warns against simply ticking off Colombia from the global conflict checklist.

Colombia’s case of conflict resolution serves as a reminder to look beyond the often oversimplified explanations of civil conflict and human rights abuse. It is essential to understand the multiplicity and complexity of actors involved on the ground, their interests, and the implications of not addressing the concerns of certain groups during peace negotiation processes. Unfortunately, it can be expected that Colombian civilians and especially human rights defenders and the communities they work in will continue to face significant threats and violence even after a peace deal between the government and FARC has been accepted. While the deal is an important milestone for the country, international bodies and human rights advocates must not turn away from Colombia but rather continue to strengthen the human rights capacity of the Colombian state and promote the full demobilisation of all paramilitary groups.


Felix is a postgraduate in International Relations at King’s College London. He focuses on conflict resolution strategies, political violence, and human rights. Outside of academia, he is a Series Editor at Strife and advocates for human rights defenders across the world at Peace Brigades International. You can follow him @felix_manig


Image credit: https://blogs.state.gov/stories/2016/08/24/building-peace-colombian-peace-presents-new-us-business-opportunities

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: colombia, feature, human rights

Why Colombia’s Referendum Result Poses an Opportunity for Peace

October 12, 2016 by Charlotte Manson

By: Charlotte Manson

The ‘No’ vote in Colombia should be viewed as an opportunity to secure an inclusive agreement for a durable peace.
The ‘No’ vote in Colombia should be viewed as an opportunity to secure an inclusive agreement for a durable peace.

Results from Sunday’s referendum in Colombia have been described as astonishing and disappointing that will potentially throw the country into tumultuous uncertainty. Many journalists leapt to compare Brexit and recent referendums in Hungary and Thailand with Colombia denouncing the use of referendums as “messy, dangerous and not as democratic as they may seem”  and as political tools for leaders. Other commentators pointed out that despite their rising popularity, referendums are continuously producing an unexpected and unintended result due to the problematic nature of reducing complex issues to a binary choice.

Yes, there are risks with referendums but there is one essential difference in the Colombian conflict as El Pais points out, “there are weapons involved.” In other words, the rejection of the referendum in Colombia should not necessarily lead to a rejection of using referendums to make peace.

The result of the vote on Colombia’s peace process by 50.2% – 49.8% with a voter turnout of 37.4% on Sunday 2nd October is therefore a wake-up call. This outcome was a declination of the particular deal that emerged from the peace process. Mass demonstrations have taken place across the country since the vote results were announced, demanding that the peace be salvaged, preventing any return to war. Both the Government and FARC have repeatedly vowed to maintain the ceasefire and press on with negotiations. Yet Colombia’s former President and leader of the ‘No’ camp, Alvaro Uribe has made clear that he wishes to amend the existing deal but he has ruled out any direct participation in talks with FARC rebels. A large number of Colombians remain sceptical of the current terms in the existing peace deal, hoping that Uribe will push for a tougher stance on prosecution and punishment of FARC members. The guerrilla group’s leader Rodrigo Lodono – better known under his alias as Timochenko – has the added pressure of having to sell the peace accord to all FARC members in order to avoid dissident activity. However, can the setback of the ‘No’ vote thus pose an opportunity for peace?

First, if peace negotiations are not inclusive, they will not produce a positive result. As negotiations in Northern Ireland prior to 1998 proved, excluded voices will find alternative ways to espouse their opinion. Uribe has thus far been exempt from all peace negotiations despite leading the “No” camp with support from millions of Colombians. His voice, along with his supporters who reject the current peace process, came to the fore through the referendum result.

Within days of the ‘no’ vote, President Santos and the FARC rebels announced that Uribe needs to be at the negotiation table. Speaking in the Senate, Uribe said his party “has the will for dialogue”, while President Santos has selected three negotiators for bilateral talks with Uribe’s Democratic Centre party. Going forward with the peace process, the inclusion of members of Uribe’s party will allow for more hard-line opinions, much of which the charismatic Uribe represents, to be represented in the negotiations. Still it remains to be seen whether Uribe sustains the willingness to enter talks with FARC.

However, President Santos has managed to make strides in re-engaging with the country’s second largest left-wing, rebel group the National Liberation Army (ELN). Earlier this week, he announced that the Government-ELN formal talks will begin on 3 November 2016 in Quito, Ecuador after three years of stalemate. Earlier negotiations with the 2000-strong ELN were markedly different to talks with FARC as high-profile ELN-kidnapping activities forced the Government to cut off all discussions in May of this year. Although the rebel-group still hold a number of prisoners captive, recent prisoner releases – including Spanish journalist Salud Hernandez Mora – are viewed as a signal of the ELN’s desire to be involved in the peace negotiations. Thus it is the inclusivity of all future negotiations that is the deal-breaker. The referendum result provides the chance to correct this mistake.  

Second, peace is not automatic even if overwhelming support is secured. Imagine the result of the vote had been different and the majority (50.2% based on the results of the recent referendum) of people voted ‘Yes’ – would it be fair for the peace agreement to be ratified despite 49.8% of voters rejecting the terms of peace plus more than 50% abstained voters?

In Northern Ireland, 71.1% of people voted ‘Yes’ in the Good Friday referendum of 1998. Despite significant changes that have occurred since, the power-sharing government in Belfast still faces serious challenges and 98 physical peace walls exist in Belfast today. In South Sudan an overwhelming majority of 98.8% voted for independence in 2011 ending Africa’s longest running civil war. Yet five years on, the euphoria of peace has perished as the country is embroiled in civil war, with millions of internally displaced persons and chaotic power-sharing governance

Remarkably, a minimum of 13% of the 4.4 million registered voters was required for the accord to be ratified. For such a decision after 52-years of conflict, the people need to have their say on a peace accord negotiated by the few. But the task of securing peace in any post-conflict society is formidable, even when majority support for peace is secured.

Third, finding out why people voted as they did is very important going forward, besides cumbersome weather conditions. Abstention in Colombia’s elections is usually higher than 50% – recent presidential elections saw 59.9% turnout – and the 37.4% turnout on Sunday is lower than was widely expected.

As Annette Idler correctly pointed out a substantial part of the Colombian population demonstrated with their votes they are ready to join ‘Pact of Reconciliation’ – it was just not enough to constitute a peace deal for all Colombians. But what about those who abstained, and did not put forward their opinion on the peace deal?

Civil society should organise, promote open dialogue and establish an equitable presence in the media. Uribe has the advantage of securing consistent media coverage due to his political machine and negotiations between the Government and FARC are rigorously followed by both Colombian and international media. There are diverse opinions in Colombia and as the high-level negotiators discuss the most contentious points, so too should civil society take part in the conversation.

Fourth, when analysing the geographic distribution of the vote, there is a large rural-urban divide in Colombia. Those further away from the zones of FARC activity, and those residing in urban areas voted ‘No’, with the exception of voters in Bogotá. In stark contrast, the country’s peripheries include many of the hardest hit provinces hardest hit by the ongoing FARC violence – for example those whom experienced bombings, hostage-taking and murders. Colombian newspaper La Silla Vacia reported that 67 of the 81 municipalities most affected by the conflict voted Yes in the referendum. In the town of Bojayá, where one of the FARC worst massacres was carried out in 2002 – after a rocket hit a church where more than 117 people sought refuge, all of whom were killed – the Yes vote won by 96%.

Colombia is highly divided on the issue of negotiating the conditions for peace, and it’s no wonder. The scale of the task towards reaching peace is immense: demobilisation, disarmament, reintegration, options of transitional justice, acceptance of FARC in everyday society including holding elected public office, scaling down the lucrative $30bn cocaine trade and the vast criminal networks associated with FARC.

No peace process allows for winners and losers, it is a compromise. Therefore all Colombians, particularly those at the negotiating table, are being tested on their commitment to ending the violence. So the setback from the referendum can be turned into an advantage. Reconciliation does not occur overnight and this referendum setback is part of the long process.

Therefore trust is key right now. Trust in the process, in the negotiators, in FARC sticking to their word, and in Santos and Uribe placing their personal and political differences aside and instilling confidence in the public, so that all parties are committed to moving forward. The potential for the peace process to ultimately result in an agreement that all sides can adhere to remains, despite the setback in the recent referendum. Indeed, when the Nobel Peace Prize Committee handed out the Prize to President Santos on Friday 7th October the Committee stressed “the fact that a majority of the voters said No to the peace accord does not necessarily mean that the peace process is dead”.

Colombia held a peaceful referendum ending in a disappointing result. Yet there are so many opportunities for Santos, Timochenko, Uribe, civil society and all other stakeholders to get a better deal in which the majority of Colombians can accept. The ‘No’ vote should be viewed as an opportunity to secure an inclusive agreement for a durable peace.

 

 

Charlotte Manson is a conflict resolution specialist having worked on peace-building and reconciliation projects in Northern Ireland, Iraq, Bahrain, Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories. She obtained a MA War Studies from KCL and is a Graduate of Sciences Po Paris and the University of Glasgow. Charlotte is currently a Policy Advisor in the European Parliament working on the Brexit negotiations following the UK’s referendum on the EU. You can follow her on Twitter @cemanson27.

 

 

Notes:

[1] ‘Why Referendums Aren’t as Democratic as They Seem’ New York Times October 4 2016; http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/05/world/americas/colombia-brexit-referendum-farc-cameron-santos.html

[2] ‘Colombia, like the UK, just sabotaged itself through a referendum The Independent, October 4 2016; http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/colombia-farc-brexit-referendum-sabotaged-itself-a7344866.html

[3] ‘Why Referendums are problematic yet more popular than ever’ The Guardian, October 6 2016; https://www.theguardian.com/politics/political-science/2016/oct/06/why-referendums-are-problematic-yet-more-popular-than-ever

[4] ‘Embattled Colombian government fights to save FARC peace deal’ El Pais, October 4 2016; http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/10/04/inenglish/1475582361_630819.html?rel=mas

[5] ‘Why the Colombian peace agreement failed, and what we can expect now’ The Washington Post, October 4 2016; https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/10/04/why-the-colombia-peace-agreement-failed-and-what-we-can-expect-now/

[6] ‘Thousands march for peace in Bogotá and throughout Colombia’ The City Paper Bogotá, October 6 2016; https://thecitypaperbogota.com/news/massive-peace-march-takes-over-bogota/14834

[7] ‘Colombia’s peace deal in limbo after shock referendum’ Reuters, October 3 2016; http://mobile.reuters.com/article/idUSKCN1230BH

[8] Colombia’s Santos rival Uribe willing to work on peace deal’ Reuters October 6 2016; http://www.reuters.com/article/us-colombia-peace-idUSKCN1251MX

[9]  ‘Colombie: la paix, les FARC et la <<théorie du genre>>’ Le Monde October 6 2016; http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2016/10/06/colombie-la-paix-les-farc-et-la-theorie-du-genre_5009083_3222.html

[10] ‘Defeat of FARC pact puts focus on Alvaro Uribe’s next step’ The Financial Times October 5 2016; https://www.ft.com/content/26149bda-8ac8-11e6-8cb7-e7ada1d123b1

[11] ‘Colombie: Santos et Uribe tentent de sauver l’accord de paix avec les FARC’ France 24 October 6 2016; http://www.france24.com/fr/20161006-juan-manuel-santos-alvaro-uribe-accord-paix-farc-guerilla-referendum

[12] ‘Colombia to begin formal peace talks with ELN in November while salvaging deal with FARC’ The City Paper Bogotá October 11 2016; https://thecitypaperbogota.com/news/colombia-to-begin-formal-talks-with-eln-in-november/14912

[13] Colombia ELN rebels free Spanish journalist Hernandez Mora BBC News May 28 2016; http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-36403957

[14] Results of the Referenda in Northern Ireland and Republic of Ireland, Friday 22 May 1998, Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN) Ulster University; http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/politics/election/ref1998.html

[15] Official Southern Sudan Referendum 2011 Results, ; http://southernsudan2011.com/

[16] ‘Colombia’s president rushing vote on deal with rebels’ The Washington Post August 25 2016; https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/colombia-farc-rebels-reach-deal-to-end-half-century-war/2016/08/24/3d15425e-6a5b-11e6-91cb-ecb5418830e9_story.html

[17] ‘Colombia’s Referendum: Low Turnout and Activist Minorities’ Security Praxis October 3 2016; http://www.security-praxis.eu/article/colombia-referenda-low-turnout-activist-minorities/

[18] ‘Colombia Referendum: Voters reject FARC peace deal’ BBC News October 3 2016; http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37537252

[19] ‘Así es el país que votó No’ La Silla Vacía October 5 2016; http://lasillavacia.com/hagame-el-cruce/asi-es-el-pais-que-voto-no-58201

[20] ‘Colombia War Brings Carnage to Village Altar’ New York Times May 9 2002; http://www.nytimes.com/2002/05/09/world/colombia-war-brings-carnage-to-village-altar.html?pagewanted=all

[21] ‘Colombia’s proof that democracy doesn’t work’ New York Times, October 7 2016;http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/09/opinion/sunday/colombias-proof-that-democracy-doesnt-work.html

[22] ‘The lessons of Colombia’s extraordinary peace process’ BBC News, September 29 2016; http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37498940

[23] ‘Nobel Peace Prize for Colombia’s Juan Manuel Santos’ BBC News, October 7 2016 ; http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-37585188

[24] Image Source:  http://topsy.fr/hashtag.php?q=%23PazColombia

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: colombia, FARC, feature, Politics, referendum, Voting

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