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You are here: Home / Archives for Change

Change

Why do so few Scholars Study the Intersection of Climate and Security?

August 18, 2020 by Matthew Ader

by Matthew Ader

Climate change or security, a question of the one or the other? (Image credit: Lisa Benson)

I have had two and a half hours of teaching on climate change and security in two years, and I am unlikely to get any more. BA and MA courses at the King’s Department of War Studies do not offer any modules about climate change. Neither do security studies courses at Exeter, St Andrews, Oxford, or Cambridge. The US has equally slim pickings. Where tuition does exist, it tends to focus on human security and development; not strategy and operations.

And yet climate change is reshaping the world in unpredictable ways. Multiple governments even named it as a major security threat. Academics correlate climate change, if a little tentatively, with increased rates of conflict. However, scholars of strategy and war do not seem to focus on it. I surveyed thirty-four International Relations and Security Studies journals – all those with an H-Index above 30. Since 1995, these journals have, between them, published 45 articles about the intersection of climate change and conflict. As a matter of contrast, just one of those journals, International Organization, published 4356 total articles in the same period.

This initial survey reveals a worrying gap in the literature. Security courses that rely on this research are the incubator for future policymakers and analysts, while academics are often called upon to advise governments. A failure to address climate change risks depriving the next generation of security leaders and thinkers of a solid grounding in an important subject. At best, this may leave governments scrambling to cope with unforeseen challenges. At worst, it could lead to the creation of bad policy – or even open the door for malign actors who take advantage of climate change to push other agendas.

Why has security academia not fully engaged in this subject? Partially, it is because academics are very busy and have many existing commitments. Undertaking novel research or designing new courses, especially when the literature is so sparse, is time-consuming. It is also risky; work on climate change may not be valued in the same way as more conventional topics when hunting for jobs. Worse still, there is little research funding in climate change and security. Ministries and Departments of Defence have declared climate change to be a threat but have yet to put their money where their mouth is. These challenges, combined with the broader structural precarity of academic careers, militate against researchers investigating climate change and security.

These generally applicable concerns are worsened by personnel policy. Security studies departments are not hiring climate change experts. For example, of the eighty academics in the Department of War Studies at King’s College London, only two mention climate as a research interest. This makes cross-sectoral research more difficult. Even more concerning still is that such a deficit reduces opportunities for students interested in climate and security to study the issue. This, in turn, perpetuates the existing scarcity, creating a negative feedback loop. Of course, it would be unfair and inaccurate to blame this purely on hiring practices. A department cannot hire scholars who do not exist. However, it is at least partially a chicken-and-egg problem. The lack of cross-sectoral research and limited tuition opportunities addressing climate and security make it harder to attract additional academic talent to the field.

A related challenge is that climate change does not fit within traditional models of security analysis. It is not a human actor, it does not deploy discrete methods, and it is difficult to analyse through the conventional lenses of IR theory or grand strategy. Grappling with the climate requires scientific and geographical knowledge which falls outside the specialisms of most security scholars. For example, the fierce debate among geographers over the linkage between climate and conflict depends on comparing rainfall data against incidences of violence. Unless an academic is trained to a high level in meteorological modelling, they are unlikely to be able to engage with the discussion in depth. The one partial exception to this is the Human Security field. Human security, with its focus on different issues impacting ordinary people, has covered climate change in more detail. However, its perspective has more to do with development and local interventions than big-picture decision-making. While there are absolutely insights to be gained from that discipline for national policymakers, it does not answer the broader questions required to inform strategic decision-making.

Lastly, while we are seeing the impacts of climate change now, its most dramatic impacts lie in the future. Mass climate migration, unprecedented littoral urbanization, and irreversible water scarcity are not science fiction but their true implications are only just emerging. Scholars are understandably reticent to engage in speculation – it is risky and can lead to poor quality research. This is especially true for security studies and international politics, which are wildly unpredictable. As General McMaster noted, “we have a perfect record of predicting future wars…and that record is 0%.”

This is compounded by the creeping nature of climate change. On 12 September 2001, nearly every security scholar turned their attention to terrorism and the Middle East. I’m sure that a similar statistical analysis of journals from 1985 to 2000 would show relatively few articles about Salafi jihadism, but academics were able to apply their existing knowledge to the new problem. It is not clear that this will happen with climate change, because there will probably not be a single dramatic event which changes conversations and research priorities. Rather, it will incrementally alter global conditions over the span of decades, shaping a new normal.

Such a slow-moving emergency is unlikely to attract enough research to effectively inform policy – especially given that great power competition, terrorism, and biosecurity will, among other issues, remain pressing concerns throughout the period. This is worsened, as noted, by the requirement for expert scientific knowledge to properly study climate change. In short, there is unlikely to be a catalyst for the study of climate change, and if there is, security scholars may struggle to obtain the necessary scientific knowledge to properly engage with the issue in a timely fashion.

There is no single policy prescription that can magically fix this deficit. However, it is a problem – and it must be rectified. Climate change is actively reshaping the world. If security academics do not provide perspectives on it, the security implications may be ignored. Worse, they might be dishonestly weaponised to achieve a larger agenda. We have seen this already with alt-right groups using fear of climate migration as a recruiting tactic. The past four years have clearly shown that radical ideologies can find purchase at the highest levels of government. In the absence of informed views from authoritative sources, decisionmakers may turn to confident ideologues for answers.

At the end of that lecture on climate change, I asked the lecturer what the strategic plan was for dealing with the mass migrations, droughts, and water wars he predicted. He said that there was not a single one. The gap in the research is no one’s fault. But catastrophe does not care about intention. Policymakers will require effective advice to navigate the new challenges of this century. The academic community should mobilise to provide it – and security academics should lead the charge.


[1] This was achieved by searching their archives for all articles from 1995-2020 with “climate change” in the title and manually sorting through. This method is necessarily vulnerable to personal judgement and can exclude work on topics adjacent to climate change & security i.e. food scarcity.


Matthew Ader is a second-year student doing War Studies. He has worked as an intern in a number of security consultancy firms. His academic interests gravitate loosely towards understanding challenges and opportunities for Anglo-American strategy in the 21st century (and also being snide about Captain America’s command ability). He is also an editor for Roar News, and has written for a number of security publications – most especially Wavell Room. You can follow him on Twitter: @AderMatthew.

Filed Under: Blog Article, Feature Tagged With: Change, Climate, Climate Change, conflict, drought, Higher education, international relations, IR, IRT, Matthew Ader, Security Studies, University teaching

Nigeria's elections and the quest for change

February 11, 2015 by Strife Staff

By Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood:

President Goodluck Jonathan (2011). Photo: Annaliese McDonough (creative commons)
President Goodluck Jonathan (2011). Photo: Annaliese McDonough (creative commons)

“Elections belong to people. It’s their decision. If they decide to turn their back on the fire and burn their behinds, then they will just have to sit on their blisters” – Abraham Lincoln

When elections loom we often make the mistake of believing that voting for a different party or a new president will bring about real change. Soon we realise that those voted in are just a continuation of the old system, but with a different face, or the reappearance of a system that has long ceased to be relevant. This is the choice between change – real change – and just an alternative government.

The Nigerian elections, originally scheduled for Saturday but recently postponed by six weeks due to security concerns, raise this issue. Do the Nigerian people want change, or just an alternative government?

For many, the time is right for someone other than the incumbent president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, to lead the country. These people argue that the current president has failed to deliver his electoral promises, as well as failing to protect Nigerians from the Islamist sect, Boko Haram. The 276 girls they kidnapped in April 2014 are still missing and last month they allegedly killed an estimated 2000 people in Baga, Bornu State.[i] As a result, many Nigerians believe that Retired General Buhari is the change Nigeria needs.[ii]

Buhari’s time in office as military leader in 1984 was short-lived because he was soon ousted by a coup. While opinion is divided as to whether he was an effective leader or not, it is no secret that his time as military president was marked by deplorable human rights abuses. His regime is accused of engaging in extrajudicial detention, killings, enforced disappearance, and house arrests, amongst other violations.[iii] He contested the 2011 democratic elections and lost. A loss he did not accept quietly.

The victor was Goodluck Jonathan, who has been ridiculed in the Western media as an ineffective leader more concerned with protecting his own than dealing with the security crisis in his country. But is this fair?

Upon taking his oath of office in May 2011, Jonathan promised Nigerians a policy package tagged the ‘Transformation Agenda’. A five-year development plan aimed at ensuring strong, inclusive and non-inflationary growth, generating employment and alleviating poverty, among other things.[iv]

Undoubtedly, Goodluck Jonathan’s ‘transformation agenda’ has its shortcomings. For example, despite recording occasional ‘victories’ against Boko Haram, the security situation in Nigeria remains deplorable. In addition, despite pledging to having a zero-tolerance policy towards corruption, his government has thus far failed to show commitment to prosecuting corrupt officials. In terms of the economy, although it is improving, with Nigeria having emerged as the biggest economy in Africa, poverty remains rife in the country, with an estimated 70% of the Nigerian population living below the poverty line.[v]

Similarly, health care delivery in Nigeria is still lacking, especially in the rural areas where the majority of the population live.[vi] There are many reasons to be frustrated by the lack of progress made by the incumbent president in fulfilling his ‘transformation agenda’; particularly with respect to the state of tertiary institutions, where strike remains rife among lecturers.

Yet it is important to recognise that the president’s ‘transformative agenda’ has had its positives too, especially judging by Nigeria’s current economic trends, with enormous investment in the agricultural sector.[vii] Nigeria is trying to diversify its sources of revenue and move away from its over-reliance on oil, as it had done in the past.[viii] One achievement of his administration, for which his detractors do not give him enough credit, is the revamp of creaking infrastructure like the airports, roads, and railways. While progress is slow, these infrastructure issues are receiving much-needed attention after decades of neglect or, in the case of the railways, complete desertion. There is also evidence of an improvement in the electricity supply, which has been a long-standing problem.[ix]

While the falling petrol prices across the globe might not be in the interest of the economy, since Jonathan was elected president the issue of petrol scarcity has become a thing of the past, especially during the festive periods. What is more, the price of fuel has fallen for ordinary Nigerians in more recent times, which his detractors are not happy to admit.[x]

The main alternative to President Jonathan is Rtd General Mohamed Buhari. Those who are against the idea of him leading Nigeria argue that, at almost 73, he is too old and frail, and that he would represent a step backwards, not a step forwards. In 2001, Buhari pushed for the implementation of Sharia law across Nigeria, despite the fact that the country is multi-religious. [xi] If elected, would he not commit to his vision of implementing Sharia law across Nigeria?

In 2013, his response to the incumbent president’s counter terrorism strategy was that the clampdown on Boko Haram was an injustice to the Northern region.[xii] The President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) even accused him of funding the Islamist group.[xiii] Yet as part of his election campaign he promised to get rid of Boko Haram within weeks.[xiv] His apparently contradictory stance leaves the Nigerian people wondering what he would actually do if he were to win the presidency.

Critics also argue that Buhari is a violent man and lacks the credentials to lead a democratic regime. Following his defeat in the 2011 elections, he is quoted to have said:

“God willing, by 2015, something will happen. They will either conduct a free and fair election or they will go a very disgraceful way. If what happened in 2011 [alleged rigging] should again happen in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon will all be soaked in blood.”[xv]

Similarly, expressing his views on why Buhari must not be elected, Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka argues that “all evidence suggests that this is one individual who remains convinced that this is one ex-ruler that the nation cannot call to order.”[xvi]

Given all this, it is not surprising that there is divided opinion as to who is eligible to deliver change. Keeping in mind the terrible security situation, the most pressing need is to ensure that the country does not plunge into further violence, no matter who is elected as president. According to the International Crisis Group, “If this violent trend continues, and particularly if the vote is close, marred or followed by widespread violence, it would deepen Nigeria’s already grave security and governance crises” (2014).

Rtd General Buhari’s candidacy presents Nigerians with an alternative; however, his record as a former military president means that he does not represent the real change that Nigerians need. But re-electing the incumbent president would mean voting for continuity and improvement, especially as he continues to work towards ensuring that Nigeria takes centre stage in the global economy.

When Nigerians go to the poll, they must be reminded of Abraham Lincoln’s words: the forthcoming elections belong to them, they must decide wisely. Doing anything to the contrary would amount to turning their back on the fire. And if they vote for Rtd General Buhari believing that he will bring about real change, then they must be prepared to spend the next few years sitting on their blistered behinds.


Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood is a PhD candidate with the African Leadership Centre, within the International Development Institute at King’s College London. Her research seeks to explore the interactions between illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, as well as its possibility in the Gulf of Guinea. She was a Masters of Arts Associate of the African Leadership Centre and a Visiting Scholar at the University of Nairobi from October 2013 to February 2014. She has an MA in Conflict, Security and Development from King’s and a BA in International Relations and Peace and Conflict Studies from London Metropolitan University.

 

NOTES

[i] AFP, 2015

[ii] Nossiter, 2015

[iii] Tureta, 2015; Web-Staff, 2014

[iv] Gyong, 2012

[v] Okorie, 2014; Onwuka, 2012

[vi] Oluwabamide, 2014

[vii] Okorie, 2014

[viii] Ojo, 2014

[ix] Onwuka, 2012

[x] Adetayo, Opara, & Asu, 2015

[xi] Oyewole, 2014

[xii] Akowe, 2013

[xiii] Oyeyipo & Akinsuyi, 2013

[xiv] Baiyewu, 2014

[xv] Alechenu, Fabiyi, Odesola, & Adetayo, 2012

[xvi] Web-Staff, 2014

Adetayo, O., Opara, S., & Asu, F. (2015, January 19). Petrol now N87 per litre – FG. The Punch. Retrieved from http://www.punchng.com/news/petrol-now-n87-per-litre-fg/

AFP. (2015, January 13). 2,000 killed in Boko Haram’s reign of terror as Nigeria appeals for help. The Nation.

Akowe, T. (2013, June 2). Buhari faults clampdown on Boko Haram members. The Nation. Retrieved from http://thenationonlineng.net/new/buhari-faults-clampdown-on-boko-haram-members/

Alechenu, J., Fabiyi, O., Odesola, T., & Adetayo, O. (2012, May 16). Buhari under fire over threat of bloodshed. The Punch. Retrieved from http://www.punchng.com/news/buhari-under-fire-over-threat-of-bloodshed/

Baiyewu, L. (2014, December 14). We will see the end of Boko Haram –Buhari. The Punch. Retrieved from http://www.punchng.com/news/we-will-see-the-end-of-boko-haram-buhari/

BBC. (2014). Nigeria’s Muhammadu Buhari in profile. Retrieved January 15, 2015, from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-12890807

Gyong, J. E. (2012). A Social Analysis of the Transformation Agenda of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. European Scientific Institute, 8(16), 95–113.

History-Staff. (2009). George W. Bush. Retrieved January 26, 2015, from http://www.history.com/topics/us-presidents/george-w-bush

Hoppock, J. (2008). Obama’s “Change” Slogan Gets a Change. Retrieved January 18, 2015, from http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2008/09/obamas-change-s/

ICG. (2014). Nigeria’s Dangerous 2015 Elections: Limiting the Violence. Retrieved from http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/nigeria/220-nigeria-s-dangerous-2015-elections-limiting-the-violence.aspx

Nossiter, A. (2015, January 23). Beleaguered, Nigerians Seek to Restore a General to Power. The New York Times.

Ojo, K. (2014, January 9). Is the “Transformation Agenda” really working? The Punch. Retrieved from http://www.vanguardngr.com/2014/01/transformation-agenda-really-working/

Okorie, M. (2014, July 4). Is the Agricultural Transformation Agenda in Nigeria working? Afrimind. Retrieved from http://www.afrimind.org/agricultural-transformation-agenda-nigeria-working/

Oluwabamide, A. J. (2014). Health Sector and the Transformation Agenda of the Federal Government in Nigeria. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5(10), 580–586.

Onwuka, A. (2012, September 28). President Jonathan: A success or failure? The Punch.

Owete, F. (2014, March 6). Jonathan has institutionalised corruption in Nigeria, says Amaechi. The Premium Times. Retrieved from http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/156297-jonathan-institutionalised-corruption-nigeria-says-amaechi.html

Oyewole, B. (2014, December 24). Insurgency and Buhari’s call for full Sharia. Vanguard. Retrieved from http://www.vanguardngr.com/2014/12/insurgency-buharis-call-full-sharia/

Oyeyipo, S., & Akinsuyi, Y. (2013, June 5). Oritsejafor Calls for Buhari’s Arrest over Boko Haram Comments. ThisDayLive.

Tureta, S. (2015, January 17). Buhari’s Campaign Funds, Age and Certificate Questions. ThisDay Live. Retrieved from http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/buhari-s-campaign-funds-age-and-certificate-questions/199379/

Web-Staff. (2014, December). “The Crimes of Buhari” – By Prof. Wole Soyinka. The Voice African News Magazine.

Filed Under: Blog Article Tagged With: Boko Haram, Change, Elections, goodluck jonathan, governance, Nigeria

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