• Skip to primary navigation
  • Skip to main content
  • Skip to footer
  • Home
  • About
    • Editorial Staff
      • Anna B. Plunkett, Editor in Chief, Strife
      • Strife Journal Editors
      • Strife Blog Editors
      • Strife Communications Team
      • Senior Editors
      • Series Editors
      • Copy Editors
      • Staff Writers
      • External Representatives
      • Interns
    • Open Access Statement
  • Archive
  • Series
  • Strife Journal
  • Contact us
  • Submit to Strife!

Strife

The Academic Blog of the Department of War Studies, King's College London

  • Announcements
  • Articles
  • Book Reviews
  • Features
  • Interviews
You are here: Home / Archives for Feature

Feature

Book Review: ‘Breaking Hate’

June 15, 2020 by Strife Staff

by Isabela Betoret Garcia

 

Christian Picciolini. Breaking Hate: Confronting the New Culture of Extremism. Hachette Books, London, 2020. ISBN 978-0316522939. Pp. 272. Hardcover, £22.85.

Stories about the alt-right rarely have happy endings. Many associate the movement with white supremacists, those men and women who have left a path of violence and death in their wake. Connotations of ‘white supremacy’ tend to include men marching in a university campus in well-tailored trousers and neat haircuts chanting propaganda, such as the ones that marched in Charlottesville; or perhaps the young men who perpetrated unspeakable acts of violence in houses of worship, like Dylann Roof did in Charleston when he massacred nine people or the Christchurch Mosque Shooting where 51 were murdered. The image conjured up is that of hate, a hate that is so unforgiving to those in its path that it does not invite any kind of compassion. Yet, that is exactly what author and activist Christian Picciolini asks of us in his latest book: Breaking Hate.

Picciolini was born to Italian immigrants, in Illinois; by the age of 14 he had joined one of the most violent racist groups in the United States, the Chicago Area Skinheads. By 16 he had become the leader of the group, as well as formed a white supremacist punk band, W.A.Y (White American Youth). Even though he left the movement at 22, he had spent eight years helping it grow. Such a drastic U-turn came, he claims, from interactions he had with the people he had been conditioned to hate – black, Jewish, and homosexual people – and finding some common ground which left him unable to justify his hate. After leaving his former violent life, having spent some years in a dark space of apathy and depression by his own admission, he began to do what became his life’s calling: telling his story. His first book, White American Youth: My Descent into America’s Most Violent Hate Movement— and How I Got Out, focused on his life. Picciolini seemed to understand that for people to truly believe that his theory of de-radicalisation could work, they had to understand how he had come to believe in them himself.

Breaking-Hate: Confronting the New Culture of Extremism serves both as a culmination and as a new chapter. A culmination in that it is not only a collection of stories of men and women Christian has helped de-radicalise; it also allows Christian to share the steps of extremist disengagement he has come to believe. With each new chapter, however, it becomes clear to the reader that there is much work to be done, and that extremism really is an embedded cultural problem.

Christian’s proposal is clear: No one is born into hate, and violent ideologies are not what lead people down the road of extremism. When someone encounters what he calls ‘potholes’ in life, they will be in danger of never fulfilling their sense of identity, community, and purpose (ICP). De-Radicalisation is a contested concept with no single accepted process, and many doubt the effectiveness of it. In the field of de-radicalisation many scholars such as Daniel Koeher have pointed to ideology as a key aspect in the road to radicalisation. Picciolini’s theory differs significantly. It is when they trip on their search of ICP that extremism may find them, but ideology itself is the last step. Only by listening to their stories and identifying these potholes, presumably extraordinary patience and compassion, one can extend a hand to bring them back to a normal life. The process he uses includes 7 steps: Link, Listen, Learn, Leverage, Lift, Love, Live. These steps are meant to form a link with the subject, understand how their path in life brought them to radicalisation, help them make amends, and eventually life free. Though his argument is fascinating and compelling, Picciolini does not spend much time discussing alternative theories of de-radicalisation that have an ideological basis, which would lend more credibility to his argument.

“The answer is love”: the message could not be more clear (Image credit: Christian Picciolini)

The structure of the book relies on the reader connecting with the stories told within. From veterans and men recruited in prison, to a former ISIS fighter, to a seventeen year-old girl caught in a scam that seemed to lead all the way to the 2016 Presidential election— the stories Christian relates are raw and tender. They are simultaneously full of sorrow, anger, and hope. Yet there are underlining reminders that even if disengagement is successful, the subjects of the book may be atoning for their actions for the rest of their lives.

The message of the book is, for the most part, effectively conveyed and persuasive. Because most of the subjects Christian examines in the book were part of the Alt-Right we might ask if ideology truly does not matter as much as other experts say in the de-radicalisation process, and the book would benefit from exploring other theories for Picciolini to more effectively defend his own. The book’s persuasiveness does rely on the author himself, and on the anecdotal evidence he provides of the cases present in the text, which could be more effective if paired with quantifiable evidence of the success of his methods. Upon closing the book, however, a reader will likely reconsider any previously held notions on the psychology of radicalisation which rely on ideology and be willing to consider compassion, and in this point the book is undeniably successful.

Picciolini admits to sometimes almost losing patience, hope, and control when trying to help extremists disengage. But here is where he comes to the most important lesson of all: see the child, not the monster. This is not meant to excuse the actions of extremists because of the abuse they may have suffered, the severe lack of ICP that delivered them into the arms of hate. But rather to remember that basic premise, that no one is born into hate; and if they find their way into it, they can find their way out.


Isabela first completed a Foundation Programme in International Relations and is now a third-year War Studies and History BA. She also works as an International Relations and Politics Tutor for King’s Foundations. She is Mexican-Spanish and lived most of her life in Mexico until she moved to London, and this background has given her a keen interest in migration. She is also interested in how the every-day has become politicised through media, and what this means for the future of journalism and politics. You can follow her on Twitter @isa_betoret.

Filed Under: Book Review, Feature, Uncategorized Tagged With: Book Review, Breaking Hate: Confronting the New Culture of Extremism, Christian Picciolini, Isabela Betoret Garcia

Call for Papers – KSLR-Strife Joint Edition

June 11, 2020 by Strife Staff

The King’s Student Law Review and Strife are pleased to announce the publication of the third joint, special edition of our journal under the overarching theme of ‘Law and War’.

Submissions must be relevant to the subjects that relate to the intersection between ‘Law and War’. This overarching theme encompasses a vast range of topics such as challenging the effectiveness of ‘Jus in bello‘ (international humanitarian law) in light of the ‘war on terror’, ‘rogue states’, the historical origins of the laws of conventional warfare, or on broader themes such as the legal practice in international human rights, translation of legal norms within war and martial and strategic law. In particular, the editors would be interested in contributions addressing the implications for law and war of the Covid-19 pandemic, Brexit, protest movements, space exploration, and big data and AI. For examples of accepted works please see our second joint edition here.

All articles must be between 4,000 and 6,000 words in length. Articles must comply with extension OSCOLA Guidelines (4th edition). Please click here for a conclusive guide. Guidance can be provided to authors unfamiliar with OSCOLA referencing requirements.

If you are interested in submitting an article for this exciting joint publication, please send the full text, as well as the required information (outlined below) to the following email address: kslr.strife.jointedition@gmail.com

 

Required Information

  • Title of the article, set in bold, ranged left and unjustified.
  • Name of the author or authors directly below the title, followed by institution affiliation, if applicable.
  • Five or six keywords.
  • Abstract of around 350 words
  • Article of between 4,000 and 6,000 words

We will be accepting submissions until Monday 3rd August 2020 at 6pm (BST). We look forward to receiving your submissions.

 

The King’s Student Law Review and Strife

For any general enquiries, please contact: kslr.strife.jointedition@gmail.com

If you have any enquiries that are law-related or relate to KSLR’s work in this project or more generally, please contact: kclstudentlawreview@gmail.com.

If you have any enquiries related to the topic of conflict more broadly or that relate to Strife’s collaboration in this project, please contact: journal.strife@gmail.com

Filed Under: Feature, Uncategorized Tagged With: Call for Papers, Law and War, Strife Journal

Sri Lanka between China and the West: Balancing on a Foreign Policy Tightrope

June 8, 2020 by Strife Staff

by Shakthi De Silva

Hambantota port, victim of China’s debt-trap diplomacy? (Image credit: AFP)

After purportedly falling victim to China’s ‘debt-trap diplomacy’, the island of Sri Lanka took the international limelight in July 2017. Many observers referred to the Sri Lankan Government’s decision to hand over the strategically located Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease as indicative of a malicious plan to indebt countries to China. Scholarship discussed the case as depicting the seemingly nefarious nature of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and in many narratives, the island was portrayed as having no agency – a small power which ‘suffers what they must’ in Thucydides’ words.

The 2015 ousting of Pro-China President Mahinda Rajapakse by a former minister of his own party – Maithripala Sirisena – ostensibly signalled a shift in the country’s foreign policy. The optimism of such a ‘foreign policy reset’ was overshadowed by the outcome of the 2019 Presidential election which resulted in Gotabhaya Rajapakse’s victory. Western scholars ruefully reasoned that Sri Lanka would shift overtly towards China under Gotabaya Rajapakse, having witnessed a Pro-China foreign policy during the tenure of his elder brother – Mahinda Rajapakse (2005-2015).

This conjecture has not been borne out by facts. A few days after the election, Gotabaya welcomed Dr. S. Jaishankar, India’s External Affairs Minister – the first Foreign Minister to meet and personally congratulate him on his victory. Rajapakse also chose India as the first country to visit as head of state and after meeting Prime Minister Modi received a $400 million line of credit to fund several development projects on the island. Since then, he met with Wang Yi, the Chinese Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs as well as welcomed the U.S Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, Alice G. Wells in the same week.

Complying with the much-iterated policy of ‘Non-alignment and Mutual Friendship and Trust among Nations’ was a core tenet of Gotabaya’s election manifesto. In several public pronouncements after the election, President Gotabaya expressed his desire to adopt a balanced approach in his foreign policy; welcoming investments from and striving “to maintain friendly relations” with all parties. As China and the United States expand their presence in the Indian Ocean, what must they keep in mind when they engage with the new Sri Lankan administration?

Rationalising the Sino-Sri Lankan relationship

Western powers should take note of the fact that Sri Lanka has been in dire need of investments to kick start its economy since the end of its internal armed conflict in 2009. Foreign direct investments (including foreign loans received by companies registered with the country’s Board of Investment) during the first half of 2019 amounted to $501 million – significantly lower than most neighboring Asian countries.

A World Bank report detailing the projected GDP growth of South Asian countries ranked Sri Lanka just above the bottom, with a real GDP growth rate of less than 3% for 2019.  Since the island reached upper-middle-income status, it has had to borrow on commercial terms; thereby intensifying its debt crisis. In such circumstances, policymakers are attuned to attract as much investment as possible to spur an economy that has consistently lagged behind other regional powers. In so doing, China emerges as an attractive partner and, thus, increased its investment in Sri Lanka from $ 178.5 million in 2012 to $ 579 million by 2017. Although the United States is the largest source of foreign direct investment in the Indo-Pacific, its cumulative foreign direct investment inflows to Sri Lanka between 2013 and 2018 amounted to only $134 million. The economic rationale behind the close Sino-Sri Lankan relationship is clear to see.

Secondly, Western narratives portraying Sri Lanka’s predicament as a manifestation of Chinese ‘predatory lending’, ‘checkbook diplomacy’, or ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ hardly resonates with the local public. Numerous studies by Sri Lankan economists have uncovered how Sri Lanka’s debt crisis is not ‘wholly’ or even ‘largely’ caused by China. In fact, a much larger percentage of Sri Lanka’s external debt are loans raised through external sovereign bonds and foreign currency financial facilities. Locals are also prone to blame Sri Lankan politicians, particularly members of the United National Party, for finalizing the 99-year lease agreement of the Hambantota port.

Moreover, the West must also understand that Sri Lankans do not generally perceive China’s presence in the Indian Ocean as pernicious to the island’s security. Despite establishing a base in Djibouti, China’s engagement in the Indian Ocean has been relatively limited and benign, owing to the fact that Beijing’s primary security interests reside in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait. In consequence, the island welcomes China’s presence in the region and has sought ways in which the two economies can closely integrate so that the island can benefit from China’s rise. Furthermore, the substantial quantities of medical supplies delivered by China after the outbreak of the COVID-19 virus exhibit Beijing’s desire to cultivate an image as a friendly benefactor.

Beijing’s support during the final phases of the internal armed conflict in Sri Lanka is another major factor driving the local public’s relative lack of apprehension towards Chinese activities in the region. Political engagement between the two countries has been robust. As of 2018, Sri Lanka had nine ‘sister-city agreements’ with China and 2013 saw the inking of a comprehensive cooperative partnership between the two countries. One report also suggested that between 2000 and 2017 there were 130 political visits between Sri Lankan and Chinese governmental leaders. This year also marks the 63rd anniversary of the inauguration of diplomatic relations with China.

Intensified allegations from the West against the state armed forces have also pushed President Gotabhaya to declare his intention of withdrawing from international institutions if they continue to press for transitional justice or demand for impartial investigations into the last stages of the war. For example, in his speech at the 2020 National Ranaviru Day commemorations, he emphatically stated: ‘In a small country like ours where our war heroes have sacrificed so much, I will not allow anyone to exert undue pressure on them or harass them.’ Therefore, continued pressure from the West on the human rights front will only push Rajapakse towards China – an outcome which the West nor Rajapakse are necessarily inclined to welcome.

However, this does not imply that Rajapakse will be beholden to Beijing. A pro-China policy stance is not an indelible position for most countries. Beijing would be wise to understand that a pro-China foreign policy can change if the leader is replaced by an alternative candidate in a democratic election or when the local ‘pro-China’ elite has a change of heart. To continue its robust relationship with Sri Lanka, it would be advisable for Beijing to enhance investments while also promoting people-to-people ties, particularly in the sectors of professional training and higher education

A pawn on the chessboard of great power politics?

Sri Lanka’s location has often been lauded as its most important asset but policymakers cannot solely avail on ‘strategic location’ if they wish to position the island as the hub of the Indian Ocean. In this complex and fluid environment, strategic astuteness has become a necessity for policymakers. Sri Lanka’s favorable location needs to be matched by a stable and coherent foreign policy as well as structural reforms to promote the island’s investment and business climate.

As great power presence in the Indian Ocean is unlikely to dissipate in the near future, misreading the landscape can prove costly for Sri Lanka. The island will witness increased presence and engagement with regional and extra-regional powers, which may create a situation where the island’s leadership might have to choose between one party over another. Local policymakers need to have hard-headed assessments of contemporary geopolitics, conduct unsentimental audits of the benefits and negative implications of diverse forms of engagement with regional and extra-regional powers, and resist a situation where Sri Lanka’s policy choices are constrained by external powers.

As China’s economy has entered a phase of gradual slowing down, Rajapakse would do best to remember that there are limits to what China can offer economically in the long run and therefore, diversifying ties with other regional and extra-regional powers would be in the island’s best interest.


 Mr. Shakthi De Silva currently serves as an Assistant Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, University of Colombo. His previous work has appeared on the South Asian Survey (SAGE), Journal of the Indian Ocean Region (Taylor & Francis), and the Diplomat Magazine. 

Filed Under: Blog Article, Feature Tagged With: Belt and Road Initiative, China, debt-trap, foreign policy, Shakthi De Silva, Sri Lanka, the West

Deadly Dynamics: Crime and the Coronavirus in Latin America

June 3, 2020 by Strife Staff

by Leah Grace

Security forces around the world have taken on new duties amid the crisis of the coronavirus pandemic (Image credit: Gerd Altmann/Pixabay)

 

The COVID-19 pandemic not only represents a global public health crisis but has also created serious political and security challenges. In Latin America, legal and illicit economies alike have been hit hard by a massive slowdown in global production and consumption, leaving most organised crime groups unusually vulnerable and exposed. These conditions offer opportunities for governments to deal a considerable blow to these criminal networks that wield enormous amounts of power in their territories. Examples include the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) in Mexico, the Columbian guerilla group the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the Barrio 18 street gang, which operates throughout Central America. However, evidence from the region shows that criminal are rapidly adapting to the challenges of the pandemic and are in fact taking advantage of the overwhelmed state authorities to consolidate their power.

As the lockdown of several national economies brings businesses to a halt and threatens the livelihoods of billions of employees, it also has significant repercussions for transnational drug trade and other illicit flows. Drug cartels across Latin America have seen their access to major markets and supply chains curbed by border closures and the shutdown of transatlantic travel. A reliance on imported chemicals from China has negatively impacted the production of fentanyl and methamphetamine in Mexico. In Colombia, narcotraffickers are struggling to transport their cocaine supply to European markets due to a grounding of air traffic. In countries such as Nicaragua, where many people live from day to day, selling drugs locally has also become a challenge as local populations can no longer afford to buy the commodity.

In Europe and the United States, drug shortages at street level caused by both the disruption of supply and transportation chains and the imposition of national lockdown measures, which forced sellers and consumers to remain indoors, has led to a sharp increase in prices. As drug-dealers demonstrate their adaptability by adopting unorthodox strategies, such as delivering drugs in takeaway orders, they reap the rewards of these price inflations. In the long-term, however, restrictions on mobility and the continued closure of entertainment and hospitality venues are likely to deal a significant blow to drug markets.

As local businesses close, criminal groups face challenges in collecting their routine extortion payments. Some Central American gangs, such as the Barrio 18 Revolucionarios in San Salvador, have announced that they will waive extortion payments from informal vendors due to the massive decrease in earnings caused by lockdown measures. Others, however, have been less understanding. Mexican and Guatemalan cartels continue to harass and intimidate local businesses despite the pandemic. Since extortion constitutes the main important source of income for many criminal groups and street gangs, it is likely that even the more lenient ones will resort to increasingly violent measures to collect their fees.

Lockdowns and border closures have also created new illicit business opportunities. The closing of borders on key migration routes has increased the demand for human smuggling services – and their profitability. Before the most recent border closure on March 14 due to Covid-19, over 50,000 Venezuelans legally crossed into Colombia each day. Now, people rely solely on illegal border crossings (trochas), controlled by criminal groups such as Los Rastrojos, who charge fees for use of the route. In Central America, the sealing of borders has forced migrants to depend even more heavily on smugglers, who have seized the opportunity to charge $200 dollars per person for “safe” passage from El Salvador and Honduras to Guatemala.

Violence and insecurity

Lockdown measures have led to a general reduction in street crime and robbery as criminals become more conspicuous and their targets more scarce. El Salvador, the country with the highest homicide rate in the world, reported two days without murders immediately following the imposition of obligatory quarantine measures.

However, violence has intensified in many other countries due to the diversion of armed security forces to pandemic-related issues. Data from Brazil suggests an increase in lethal crime and homicide during the lockdown as gangs and other criminal groups continue to engage in turf wars and violent confrontations. In Colombia, both departments on the Pacific coast and frontier regions with Venezuela, an area with a long history of state absence and illegal activity by armed groups, have witnessed violent clashes between criminal gangs and the guerilla group ELN. Targeted civilian murders have also increased in the country. In the week that cities introduced quarantine measures, three community leaders were killed. Fellow activists cited the disruption to normal security protocols as putting social leaders, often targeted due to their work against lucrative illegal businesses, in positions of heightened vulnerability.

The pandemic’s dominance in minds and media across the world has also provided cover for crime groups to act with impunity, consolidating their power as they do so. Militia groups in Rio de Janeiro, who count former police officers as members and enjoy the support of some local politicians, have seized upon this distraction to increase their political influence in the city.

Criminal governance 

The current pandemic is exacerbating socioeconomic stresses. As frustrations and fear grow, ineffective government responses are likely to erode trust in state institutions. Non-state actors are already stepping up to fill the gaps of state presence and provision. As Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, continues to play down the severity of the pandemic, drug-dealing gangs in some of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas have imposed their own curfews and hygiene measures to help combat the spread of the virus in the overcrowded and unsanitary conditions of the slums. Such forms of informal criminal governance are likely to benefit the gangs by securing their power and legitimacy in local communities.

In El Salvador, cells of the Barrio 18 gang wielded their influence over local populations first to defy and then to enforce government lockdown orders. Initially, they ensured that markets in the capital city continued to operate, as these are a vital source of livelihood for many Salvadorans and provide a constant flow of extortion payments. They later changed tactics and began enforcing lockdown measures at gunpoint.

In San Luis Potosí and Tamaulipas, Mexico, the CJNG and Golfo cartels handed out food parcels to communities in boxes emblazoned with their groups’ insignia. Such deliveries are both a means to gain support from local populations and a challenge to local gangs, especially when made in disputed territories or in areas outside normal zones of operation.

A golden opportunity?

Criminal non-state armed groups across Latin America have demonstrated their influence, adaptability, and resilience in the face of COVID-19. However, even they are not immune to the impact of the pandemic, which will continue to hinder their business opportunities and restrict their ability to work undetected. Now is the time for governments to strike in a regionally coordinated effort to take out organised crime networks whilst they are at their most vulnerable. Missing such an opportunity could further bolster the power of these groups and limited the capacity of the state to deal with the region’s already severe problem of organised crime in the future.

However, the exploitation of security gaps by Latin American criminal organisation due to the diversion of resources and attention to the global health crisis may prove too much for overwhelmed states. Criminal networks are likely to bounce back from the current crisis, possibly with strengthened support bases and additional areas under their control.


Leah is an MA student in Conflict, Security and Development at the King’s War Studies Department. Her main research interests include war-to-peace transitions, organised crime, and urban violence. She primarily works on conflict-affected countries in Latin America and Central Africa.

Filed Under: Blog Article, Feature Tagged With: Covid, COVID-19, covid-19 pandemic, Latin America, leah grace, Organised Crime

Book Review: ‘The Hidden History of Burma’

June 1, 2020 by Strife Staff

by Anna Tan

 

Thant Myint-U. The Hidden History of Burma: Race, Capitalism and the Crisis of Democracy in the 21st Century. Atlantic Books, London, 2019. ISBN 978-1-78649-790-1. Pp. xi, 288. Paperback. £10.78

 

The case for peace in Myanmar (Burma) has been a tiring and relentless one. The biggest myth of all is that Burma was set to have a bright future during the dawn of its independence from the British Empire. Thant Myint-U in his latest work “The Hidden History of Burma” (2020) reminds us that the reality is far more complex. The colonial legacy of the state’s institutions and its impact on the plethora of ethnic groups across Burma’s periphery would continue to haunt its present-day problems. Most notably among these are the Rohingya crisis and Burma’s half-century struggle for democracy. The colonial era’s martial race policy stands at the forefront of these problems. Despite the great academic legacy left behind by the colonial era, Thant argues, the state was considerably weak at the time when General Aung San founded the nation. This meant that whatever great that was embedded within Burma was either purged or became stale during years of poverty. Moreover, Ne Win’s failed anti-imperialist revolution – or the pursuit of the ‘Burmese Way to Socialism’ – would further exacerbate this situation.

Towards the end of the 20th century, the socialist layer of the nation-state’s operational ideology gradually peeled away; leading to some form of a free-market system and one that according to Thant can best be described as ‘crony capitalism’. Yet, strikingly, Burma’s political reforms of the early 2010s had originally envisioned an alternative future. Here, the implementation of neoliberal policies and a non-state intervening would complete the country’s transition to a free-market system, to follow the steps of congested and inequality-ridden cities we so very often see across South East Asia today. In this regard, those easily combustible issues surrounding race and inequality are left out. The state itself does not even seem to be cognizant of it. Neither is any consideration given to the idea that one’s ethnicity can be fluid. As a result, state formation and attempted conflict resolution is stuck in a vicious cycle of bureaucracy, electoral politics, and red-tape; further fuelled by a strange concoction of neoconservatism and a fixed primordial perception regarding race and ethnicity amongst parties and actors across the political spectrum.

The blame for the sustained civil strife across various parts of the country is shared among all parties, both at home and abroad. It is Thant’s insider narrative in the book that made me realise how it is bizarre that China’s ambitions for Burma re-emerged. Initially thwarted by the reformist government of Thein Sein, those intentions came back centre stage after the conflict in Rakhine escalated to the point of genocide. Unfortunate decisions made by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) during peacebuilding efforts that followed their victory in the 2015 elections inflamed this situation, particularly after the Myanmar Peace Centre – consisting mostly of Thein Sein staffers – was dismissed. However, this jarring moment in history is to this day a wasted opportunity that not many in the country paid much attention to. Indeed, the urban population were very much distracted by the economic promises of the new NLD government. With more shopping centres and shinier airports in the making, less visa restrictions, and an increase in free travel, it seems that it is the bourgeoisie that gets to enjoy better, more instant luxuries. I can speak from experience that testimonials by the (upper-)middle-class of Burmese society certainly reflect this sentiment. A justifying bulwark against any criticism towards the NLD government, these promises led to ample opportunity for the resolution of civil strife in the country getting squandered; thereby further darkening a future that looks more bleak than ever.

Internationally, the foreign policy of Western governments in addressing Burma’s human rights abuses provides no room for complexity and mixed bureaucratic responses by organisations such as the United Nations over the past decade have led to drastic consequences in the peace processes throughout Burma. Their involvements with the country’s democratisation efforts and entrance into the global economy were exclusively pivoted around Aung San Suu Kyi. This narrative of the ‘lady against the generals’ paid very little attention paid to the influence of ludicrous cross-border conflicts, war economies, and the incentives of various factions – be it within the state or of the rebel groups. The former president’s sudden and wide embrace of the West was short-sighted to the extent that it made light of the impact that the participation of Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) along the Sino-Burmese border could have. Suu Kyi’s government furthermore underestimated the repercussions of Western isolation on the peace deals made during the ‘21st Century PangLong Conferences’. Above all else, the young population especially, and sadly, do not seem to be able to tell the difference between the story of Burma: is it one of Suu Kyi or one of inclusivity.

Though merely stating facts, Thant’s description of the contemporary political processes in Burma is at times specked with instances that were darkly astonishing, oftentimes unintentionally comical. One of these moments includes the time when John Yettaw handed Suu Kyi the Book of Mormon, making it all the more surreal. Nevertheless, there are parts where Thant could have elaborated further, such as the impact of U Nu’s policies on the racial and social integrity of a briefly democratic Burma prior to Ne Win’s coup in 1962. However, the country’s complex web of layers stands masterfully explained in the book.

Lost is the potential of this beautiful country, so rich in natural resources, in which a deeply troubled rural citizenry resides which knows war not as an exception but as the norm. 

Most importantly, Thant demonstrates that the story of Burma’s fight for democracy is not so much as black-and-white, not a clear David-and-Goliath spectacle that we are made to believe most of the time. A particularly challenging part recounts the solemn story of a certain lady named Moe. Driven into destitution by the cascade of events following the Bush-era sanctions that shut down garment factories, her life led from unemployment to sex trafficking, only to discover herself with a diagnosis of HIV/AIDS after a hazardous, painful journey back home. These same sanctions were supported by several pro-democracy and human rights activists at home and abroad. These activists were also part of the same force that blocked the Global Fund’s humanitarian aid that was supposed to relieve HIV/AIDS and malaria outbreaks in Burma of the early 2000s, thereby cutting off all remaining hope for people like Moe. Indeed, Moe’s life is not an uncommon one for the precariat of Burma, whose rights, needs, and welfare seem to be left out of the picture entirely. While the nation emphasises the virtue of personal sacrifice for the greater good pivoted around the leader; the vast majority have little more to give. Lost is the potential of this beautiful country, so rich in natural resources, in which a deeply troubled rural citizenry resides which knows war not as an exception but as the norm. Not a glimmer of hope seems to remain in a country where Burmese identity is defined by race and ethnicity.

That is not to say that are no memorable and beautiful moments. During the peak of the Rakhine crisis in 2016, the compassion of a Buddhist monk in Rakhine that offered refuge and food to displaced civilians of the Buddhist and Muslim creed and traumatised by the violence raging outside will give any reader a chilling feeling of awe as the pages turn. The man was confronted by protesters outside his monastery for housing Muslims together with Buddhists, arguing that the protestors would have to go through him if they wish to ransack the monastery and commit violence inside. An anomaly of a preacher who truly practices a rare act of compassion could perhaps make one faintly wonder just ‘what if?’.

What kind of a future Burma will head towards we still do not know. But as Thant puts, it is truly hard to be optimistic at present. Yet understanding Burma is imperative still, in a way, as the story should provide us to rethink how Western democracies interact with authoritarian and transitory regimes in the future. It should also provide a brutal lesson for us, when aiding and advocating for democracy in contested states, to jettison the idea that one-dimensional foreign policies that prescribe a dose of sanctions followed by the introduction neoliberalism will do the trick of healing an infinitely complex, deeply conflict-ridden nation towards peace and prosperity.

This piece was originally published on the author’s personal blog, which you can find here


Anna Tan is a postgraduate student for MSc Global Affairs at King’s College London. Her research is focused on how Western human rights diplomacy affects democracy and authoritarianism in the Asia Pacific. She has previously worked for UNDP Myanmar and the American Red Cross, and is a member of the Programme Committee of the Conflict, Security and Development (CSD) Conference 2020 hosted by the Department of War Studies and the Department of International Development (DID). Anna holds a BSc in Neuroscience. You can follow her on Twitter: @AnnaTanGTW

Filed Under: Book Review, Feature Tagged With: Anna Tan, Burma, Myanmar, Thant Myint-U, The Hidden History of Burma

  • « Go to Previous Page
  • Go to page 1
  • Interim pages omitted …
  • Go to page 13
  • Go to page 14
  • Go to page 15
  • Go to page 16
  • Go to page 17
  • Interim pages omitted …
  • Go to page 29
  • Go to Next Page »

Footer

Contact

The Strife Blog & Journal

King’s College London
Department of War Studies
Strand Campus
London
WC2R 2LS
United Kingdom

blog@strifeblog.org

 

Recent Posts

  • How China’s Military-Civil Fusion strategy fuels China’s ambitious military aims
  • The Overextension of Sovereignty: How states have dampened opposition to annexation
  • Storming the US Capitol: Time to Take Violence Seriously
  • In foreign policy, Canada has chosen style over substance
  • At the Crossroads between Psychiatry and the Holocaust

Tags

Afghanistan Africa Brexit China Climate Change conflict counterterrorism COVID-19 Cyber Security Cybersecurity Diplomacy Donald Trump drones Elections EU feature foreign policy France India intelligence Iran Iraq ISIL ISIS Israel ma military NATO North Korea nuclear Pakistan Palestine Politics Russia security strategy Strife series Syria terrorism Turkey UK Ukraine us USA Yemen

Licensed under Creative Commons (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivatives) | Proudly powered by Wordpress & the Genesis Framework